the music reform

anonymous asked:

Hi! I was wondering if you had suggestions for resources or links, artists, etc. for those of us who for whatever reason never went to summer camp but would still like to listen to/learn the songs. Similarly, do you have any suggestions for ways to learn songs to sing at home, either on Shabbat or just as everyday songs of praise? (I sing a lot when I'm alone and/or when I'm happy, so this would be a good thing to know!) Thanks!

Hi there!

What a fun question!

Here is a list of songs sung in URJ camps, NFTY events, Mitzvah Corps programs, and NFTY programs during Tefilla and song sessions! Any links with an *, you can assume are more popular than the rest! Enjoy!


Keep reading

anonymous asked:

Hi! So I grew up Jewish in the only attending high holiday services sense of the word, and now I'm looking to get more involved in a community where I'm currently living. I'm torn between going to a conservative or reform synagogue. (My parents took us to a Conservative temple when we went.) I've been doing some research online but I still can't get a clear picture of the differences between the reform and conservative movements. Could you possibly help me understand what separates them?

Hi there!

What an exciting time for you!

Although there are some fantastic articles written on the subject (posted below), it’s important to understand some of the basic, fundamental differences and similarities:


  • Theologically, Conservative Jews hold that a liberal adaptation of Halacha (Jewish law) as binding and Reform Jews do not.
  •  More Conservative Jews than Reform Jews will often observe Shabbat and festivals in a traditional manner.  But, in Conservative communities, those that observe traditionally are extremely limited and often only include the rabbi and cantor.
  • The Reform Movement is much larger than the Conservative Movement.  Beyond having more shuls and camps, the Reform seminary ordains more rabbis and cantors in each of its four campuses (NY, LA, Cincinnati, and Jerusalem) each year than the Conservative seminary.
  • Slightly different cultures exist within both movements.  Often the Conservative Movement has a stronger “Ashkenazi bent” and is slightly more traditional in its language where the Reform Movement chooses to more often speak closer to Hebrew than Yiddish.
  • A Conservative service infrequently includes music or microphones, where Reform Jews specifically use music to enhance their services.
  • The Reform Movement is more often outspoken against the Israeli Occupation than the Conservative Movement.


  • Theologically, both do not believe that Moses received the Torah from Sinai in its completion and therefore hold a more liberal understanding of Jewish practice.
  • Both celebrate all of the major holidays and festivals, major lifecycle events/services, have similar goals in religious schools etc.
  • Both movements are very proud of their egalitarian spaces in which women (and people of all genders) are ordained as clergy and are all equal.  A minyan (traditional ten Jewish men) in both Movements is 10 Jewish adults.  Women and men wear talitot, wrap tefillin, and wear kippot.
  • Both Movements are extremely attracted to social justice issues and are involved in activity that condemns racism, islamophobia, and antisemitism.  Both ordain LGBT clergy, marry same-sex couples, and have official programs and statements that promote transgender, gender non-conforming, genderqueer and other gendered folks.  The Reform Movement has their own social justice lobbying organization (the Religious Action Center) in Washington D.C.
  • Both face the same discrimination in Israel regarding weddings, rights for converts, issues with the Western Wall etc.

Articles:  X X

I would love to help you out as much as you might need!  Feel free to shoot me a message.


Saint-Just and Music in the French Revolution

           Antoine de Saint-Just, better known for his association with Maximilien Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety during the Terror, has yet another identity: an identity with music.  A man of diverse experiences in law and in the military, Saint-Just also appeared to have dabbled in the arts.  Historian Geoffrey Bruun notes that found among Saint-Just’s possessions after Thermidor was an ivory flute, “an accomplishment otherwise overlooked”, among several works of literature (Bruun 152).  Unfortunately, little is known about Saint-Just’s music education. However, one literary work found among his possessions, Tasso’s Gerusalemme Liberata, was also a popular seventeenth century opera, perhaps hinting at an unmentioned passion for music and the fine arts.

           Although only halfhearted guesses can be made as to Saint-Just’s musical background, signed decrees from the years of the French Revolution offer evidence to his passion for music.  One decree that historian Eugene Newton Curtis mentions states that composers employed to write for revolutionary festivals were to “produce every month a symphony, a hymn or chorus, a military march, a rondeau or quickstep, and at least one patriotic song, forming a volume of fifty or sixty pages, of which 550 copies must be printed for the Committee, to be distributed by it for use in civic festivities and the improvement of public spirit” (Curtis 101).  Two grants were also given to the Paris National Guard for musical purposes, most likely for equipment and instruction, one grant totaling 33,000 livres! Saint-Just, although operating primarily in the political sphere, acted as a connecting piece between the “musical world” – an institution marked heavily by clerical and royalist connections – and the common people through the signing of these decrees, thereby aiding in the strengthening of patriotic spirit.  “As a result of political events a large amount of music was rather suddenly needed for patriotic, civic functions and for education,” music historian Reinhard G. Pauly claims. “Much of the revolutionary music was destined for outdoor ceremonies, with massed choruses and monstrous orchestras, and with refrains sung by the people” (Pauly 198).  As musicians such as Gossec, who had received his music education under pre-revolutionary royalist precedents, were paid money to compose and often conduct works for public festivals, it forced musicians into an alliance with the masses (a politically strategic move on Saint-Just’s part!).  The National Guard was also forced into such an alliance; however, this alliance was quite politically underhanded.  “Bernard Sarrette, a 24-year-old staff-captain in the revolutionary forces took upon himself the task of organising military bands for the National Guard.  A typical member of the Girondin intelligentsia within the citizen-militia, Sarrette’s first step was to recruit forty-five capable musicians to form a training school.  Many of them were distinguished performers formerly in royal service whom he persuaded to earn safety from the Terror by serving the revolutionary cause,” Bernarr Rainbow, an author on music education, states.  Therefore, it is conclusive that Saint-Just played a significant role in allying a traditionally elitist group (musicians) with the people, a maneuver that would permanently transform European music education in the century to come.  “Organized music, which had for so long served lords spiritual or temporal, now made articulate the will of the people,” historian Anthony Lewis concludes in The Age of Beethoven (Lewis 657).  

Edna Hancock Wheeler also attests to Saint-Just’s care to maintain the arts in a dissertation, noting his genius in political versatility:

“In every department Saint-Just labored to gain public opinion.  He decreed the National Institute of Music to form a numerous orchestra, in order to give the people the pleasure of the concerts.  He advocated patriotic selections, well-calculated to arouse the enthusiasm and to inspire courage in the hearts of the people. Copies of the music must be made and scattered among them.  Further, he ordered a drama, in four acts to be given, in the National Theatre, ‘Journée du 10th Août, 1792.’  These orders show an active mind, bent upon inspiring others with the same zeal and fervor for the loved ‘la Republique.’  It was a versatile talent of bending everything within reach [emphasis added].  No department bound and held his attention.  He utilized all.”

By allying various walks of life with the revolutionary cause, Saint-Just promoted the revolution’s success and helped to unify –or at least appear to – public opinion (and through a nonviolent means).  Using music for public spirit in turn opened new doors to the people that had previously been less accessible – for instance, the Free School of Music, created in 1792, allowed talented children of poor families to receive two lessons in music theory and 3 lessons on their instruments per week.  By providing the lower classes with this benefit, Saint-Just’s decrees may have helped increase the much-needed support of the Revolution. This turned music education toward the masses.  

New alliances also produced a cultural shift.  As composers created revolutionary works (whether out of forced alliance or free will), many rural folk songs and peasant protest songs, such as La carmagnole and the Ça ira (although the latter had actually been written earlier in the eighteenth century for the Théâtre Beaujolais by Bécourt), became interwined with the latest patriotic works of the period. Such works include opera-comiques written by Gretry that feature La carmagnole and Rouget de Lisle’s La Marseillaise.  Others include Gossec’s large-scale festival works: Le triomphe de la République ou le camp de Grand Pr é, L’Offrande à la liberté (a mixture of two songs, one of them La Marseillaise), and the notoriously grandiose Hymne à l’Être Supreme, to name a few.  Author Jim Samson claims that “a - presumably metaphorical - request was made in the Chronique du Paris for a hymn to the God of liberty involving refrains to be sung by a choir of 24 million people…Gossec…had immediately to compose a simpler piece than the one he had prepared, in which a refrain, sung by all, alternated with verses sung by the choir in four-part harmony to the same melody” (Samson 218-219).  This is evident as Gossec composed the melody in C major, key signature free of accidentals. 

Saint Just’s musical decrees also helped to secularize music in correspondence to the state.  As the ceremonies of patriotic cults mirrored Christian ceremonies, the style of patriotic musical works mirrored the style of church music: refrain sung by a soloist, refrain repeated by the chorus and the audience, verses sung by a soloist.  This bears the evidence that the musical world, so influenced by its former services to churches and cathedrals, was now irrevocably placed in the service of the people and the secular state.  “Its [the Revolution’s] symbols and rituals gave the Revolution a longe duree; they were the tangible reminders of the secular tradition of republicanism and revolution,” affirms Lynn Hunt in Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Hunt 55).  

Although Saint-Just is discredited by ridiculous claims of being cold-hearted and cruel, his passion for music can doubtlessly help to disprove this image he so frequently receives.  Between his diverse experiences and subsequent versatility, by allying various social groups he helped gather more supporters of the Revolution without a resort to terror.  Perhaps he had learned it in the military – the effect of music on strengthening the spirit of a group.  The decrees he signed remain essential evidence of his effort to promote public spirit, which, without his knowledge, would contribute to nineteenth century reforms in music education and its accessibility.  


Geoffrey Bruun, Saint-Just: Apostle of the Terror 

Eugene Newton Curtis, Saint-Just: Colleague of Robespierre

Edna Hancock Wheeler, The work of Saint-Just as a member of the Committee of Public Safety in France, 1793-1794…

[these three sources courtesy of unspeakablevice - thank you so much!!]

Reinhard G. Pauly, Music in the Classic Period

Bernarr Rainbow, Bernarr Rainbow on Music 

Anthony Lewis, “Choral Music”, in The Age of Beethoven

Jim Samson, The Cambridge History of Nineteenth Century Music

Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution 


The Libertines - Gunga Din

Here is the first new music from the reformed Libertines. Taken from the new album ‘Anthems for Doomed Youth’ – released 4th Sept 2015.

Wise words from my cousin; Mikey looks like he’s taking a piss and it looks he pissed on Ashton shoes/

Awwh; a nice yearbook picture right?

Sike; let’s enjoy how Ashton looks confused, Luke and Mikey being punk rock, and I don’t know about Calum.

Sorry if the quality sucks ass.


So, Devin keeps posing as a mad scientist, although he’s telling everyone all the time that he doesn’t really consider himself crazy…if he’s doing it for the fans, he might aswell grow out his skullet again and reform SYL….just saying…


John Legend performed at a women’s prison to fight for justice system reform

John Legend needs us to talk about criminal justice reform. Thursday, the R&B icon performed inside Washington Corrections Center for Women as a part of his #FreeAmerica campaign, aiming “to change the national conversation about our country’s misguided policies.” Watch his full, moving performance.


Hedley is up for a Juno for Group of the Year! Sweet. Here are a few shots from the album and publicity package we shot for them. Always fun working with Garnet and JD at Reform. Their latest album ‘Hello’ is available to check out online. Huge high fives to Brad Picard for his digital wizardry, Tanus Lewis on wardrobe, Lucky Bromhead for HMA and Gary, Al and Paige for the assist.

The music industry signs up Taylor Swift and U2 in its fight against YouTube

The music industry is ratcheting up its fight against YouTube. And Taylor Swift is joining in.

Swift is one of dozens of musicians who have attached their name to an open letter to Congress, calling on lawmakers to re-write legislation used by YouTube and other big web platforms that they say “threaten[s] the continued viability of songwriters and record artists to survive.”

A coalition of musicians including Swift and U2, along with industry players including the three big music labels — Universal Music, Sony Music, and Warner Music — have taken out ads featuring the letter in political publications including Politico and the Hill.

Technically, Swift and her co-signers are complaining about the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, the 1998 law that has governs the way big internet companies can use material uploaded by their users. But like other complaints about the DMCA that the industry has made this year, this one is really about YouTube.

In short: Musicians and companies that own music are complaining that Google’s video site doesn’t give them enough money for the use of their music, and that YouTube doesn’t give them a real choice about whether and how their music is used. YouTube argues that it generates billions for the music industry (and that pirate sites don’t pay bupkis) and that it has created sophisticated tools that make it easy for music owners to control their works.

The other bit of important context is that all of the big music labels are in discussions to renew their licensing deals with YouTube.

The content of today’s open letter isn’t any different than previous complaints the industry has lobbed — some of the language, in fact, is literally the same. The letter’s organizer, manager Irving Azoff, thinks that the optics are different: It’s the first time Swift and some other A listers have added their names. The same goes for the big music labels.

That’s particularly important, Azoff thinks, in the event that lawmakers don’t overhaul the DMCA anytime soon — a decent bet, given that they might be occupied with other tasks in an election year. If that’s the case — ?and if YouTube doesn’t give music-makers the concessions they want, then the music labels will take their music away from YouTube, Azoff predicts.

“If you were one of the big labels, and you continue to do business with YouTube, the way you currently have, that’s a bad sign for all the people that signed that letter,” Azoff says. “I would be shocked, after supporting all these artists, in a letter to Congress, that these big labels would turn around and make voluntary extensions to YouTube.”

Many reasonable people, including ones at the top of YouTube’s org chart, believe that the music industry’s campaign against the DMCA is simply a public negotiation over new licensing terms.

It’s also reasonable to point out that Swift, along with many other artists who have signed on to the letter to Congress, have used YouTube to their advantage. Last year, for instance, when Swift refused to let Spotify play her new album on the free, ad-supported of its service, she kept her videos available for free on YouTube

That doesn’t matter, says Azoff. “it’s not just about the money. It’s about control, and what we leave behind in the future,” he says. “This isn’t a fee dispute. It’s far deeper. That’s why it’s really dangerous for anybody to hide behind the DMCA if they need a relationship with anybody with music business.”