- being asked if I’m Jewish because of the way my hair looks
- being interrogated about my personal political beliefs because I am identifiably Jewish
- being expected to denounce and apologize for Israel every time I want to be Jewish in public
- being told “I don’t hate Jews, but I’m pro-Palestine” in response to my Jewishness
- being told I’m going to hell for being Jewish
- non-Jews dictating to me what does and does not constitute antisemitism
- people who are not me and who don’t look like me engaging in endless debate about what “race” I belong to
- white supremacists telling me that I “control the world” and “should go back to Germany” while folks on the left tell me I benefit from white supremacy
- having to make a choice between queerness and Judaism
Noticeably absent from this list:
- seeing others’ religious symbols on display in public
anyways i love jewish lesbians. i love jewish femmes and jewish butches and jewish dykes. we’re beautiful and amazing and we shouldn’t have to give up part of our culture and ourselves to be considered part of the community.
Hello everyone. Here are some photos of Israeli gay pride flags.
See how the top one is basically the Israeli flag (which is pictured below), but instead of white and blue stripes on the edges, it’s one half each of the rainbow? See how the one on the bottom is just the rainbow flag but with the Israeli flag placed in the upper right corner?
These pictures below show gay Jewish pride flags. They are just rainbow flags with a Magen David on top.
A flag with a Star of David in the center does not equal an Israeli flag. That would be like saying that these Muslim gay pride flags pictured below
are gay Turkish pride flags (Turkish flags are pictured below).
I got an ask a while back asking my opinion on if all lesbians could use “dyke” or if it was specific to butches and I didn’t answer because it didn’t seem on topic at the time but here we go
The only people who have ever told me not to call myself a dyke have been non-lesbians who took offense because they thought I was insulting myself, saying “oh honey! don’t say that! you are not that kind of lesbian”. It had nothing to do with protecting a butch word and everything to do with trying to separate me (someone they consider a friend, loved-one, a certified Good Lesbian) from the bad rap of butches.
And I think we all know who the primary target of “dyke” is and who has the most stake in it. Which is why the Chicago Dyke March trying to distance the word so desperately from butch lesbians (I mean, not just distancing, but condemning butches as the wrong way to be dykes) is such a mind-boggling level of bullshit.
When I call myself a dyke what I am saying that you don’t get to separate me from your perception of what a “bad lesbian” is. You don’t get to categorize me as something softer and more appealing, you don’t get to pit me against my community and the women I love. The power of dyke exists because of its connection to butch lesbians. Trying to strip butches from the equation just strips it of its meaning
One thing that especially bothers me about the Chicago D*ke March is the implication that LGBT Jews merely existing is inherently pinkwashing. It politicizes LGBT Jewish identities by stating that all LGBT Jews exist to distract people from the Israel/Palestine conflict. And that is entirely antisemitic and a gross misrepresentation of LGBT Jews.
Words by Hiba Krisht. Hiba is Lebanese and Palestinian, as well as a scholar and brilliant writer, so when she talks about Palestinian welfare and discourse about Palestine, everyone should listen.
“I’m at the point where I can’t see how focus on the Israel Palestine question re: Chicago Dyke March is anything other than derailment. I’d also like to say that perception that pro-Palestine sentiment here is being silenced *as a general trend* very much does not sit well with me because I believe the silencing to be happening the other way around, and think this is in fact a longstanding destructive feature of discourse surrounding the Palestinian cause. Also, I believe most of those engaging in defense of a pro-Palestinian liberation stance right now mean well but do not understand how much its framing decenters actual Palestinian welfare.
I will elaborate on both counts. I’m agitated from all sides about this and I can’t do brevity so bear with me I guess.
First, the derailment. It’s of particularly troubling sort because it falls into a larger pattern of whataboutism where what *should be* a case of clearcut antisemitism cannot ever be identified and unilaterally condemned by the left without also being hashed and rehashed in exculpatory ways "because Israel.”
This is ESPECIALLY troubling when: - There is a persistent phenomenon that’s almost like a lefty inversion of the concept Israeli exceptionalism. Like a reverse- exceptionalism, whereby discussion of Israel’s transgressions are held to singular standards of scrutiny to the exception of other nations/populations with comparable and/or far more deplorable histories and actions and crises. And in that I am including all the unspeakable injustice and destruction the larger MENA region has wrought to Palestinians, and how accountability seems no concern there, in part *because* of eternal return to obsessive, unilateral focus on Israel as the central Palestinian issue.
- Cases of anti Muslim bigotry aren’t held to the same scrutiny. The fact that people will demur about antisemitism but not anti-Muslim bigotry betrays a terrible lack of self awareness re: double standards. I mean, if you want to go ‘head and make weak arguments about how religious symbols are politically wielded, I’m going to have to start wondering why you aren’t referencing the much more appalling and deadly scope of human rights abuses committed under Muslim banners whenever the question of banning Muslim symbols comes up. Which would be a clearly terrible argument, but maybe it’s worth reflecting why the same argument suddenly makes sense when it comes to Jewish symbols.
- Casual antisemitism often manifests as (among other things) conflations between Jewish symbols or beliefs / various Zionist ones / various Israeli nationalist ones. We ALREADY know the Dyke March incident to be an iteration of this problem. Now think about how fucked up what happened next is: the ban of a Jewish symbol at a public event based on a bigoted conflation is called out as anti-Semitic. Then, as a kind of precondition for defense against or acknowledgement of such anti-Semitism, people on the left apparently see fit to hold Jewish people accountable, individually and as a group, for *the same bigoted conflations targeting them*, basically needing Jewish people to declare their politics and/or unilaterally renounce Zionism – essentially acting as gatekeepers despite being outsiders operating from apparently rather reductive and narrow presumptions of Zionist politics, since they somehow have the arrogance of assuming they understand and can judge what any given Jewish person’s Zionist adherence entails and means based on the label alone??? Who the fuck else does this? Who the fuck else has to go through this? Do we have to establish and approve of the political and ideological leanings of Muslims in order to defend them against anti-Muslim bigotry, or do we engage in whataboutism re: the scourge of political Islamism in the Middle East to determine if Muslims have the right to display their religious symbols in the west?
Now the Palestine thing. And necessary conversations. And silencing and whatnot.
Even points that are so reasonable and evident they may well be tautologies by now, like 'Palestinians are entitled to basic human rights’, bear a different weight when made in these contexts. They don’t exist in vacuum, but carry the shadow of a discourse that already has huge issues with privileging particularly anti-Zionist or anti-Israel Palestinian advocacy no matter how tangential to the conversation, and never mind what else is minimized and derailed in the process.
I am not doubting the sincerity and concern of my friends who are struggling to express pro-Palestine sentiment while being confused by hostility right now, but I would urge a more thorough consideration of the relative space taken up by the respective conversations thus far, and to not confuse long overdue push-back from folks who have every reason to be frustrated and sick of derailment and semantic squabbles over definitions of Zionism every time anti-semitism comes up.
If it seems like there is rejection from the left when you want to assert a pro-Palestinian stance here, it is less likely to be because people have a problem with pro-Palestinian politics as such, and more likely to be because there is a salient point regarding how cavalier antisemitism already is today and how these patterns of derailment every damn time end up gatekeeping attempts to counter an insidious kind of racism that can and must be discussed without forcing marginalized people to jump through the Israel Blame Game hoops to defend their humanity. The Israel Palestine thing needs to stop hijacking conversations about antisemitism. Palestinian welfare does not suffer if people refuse to derail conversations about anti-semitism, but conversations about anti-semitism certainly suffer when what-about-Palestine pops up.
And that’s all besides the fact that no matter how well-meaning, this Palestine-specific whataboutism does not contribute anything appreciable to Palestinian welfare and is so oblivious in some ways it’s kind of heartbreaking to try to navigate through. I firmly believe that the kneejerk way the Palestinian Cause is held up like a trump card whenever convenient and the infuriating reverse exceptionalism with which the conflict is treated has been a firm factor in prolonging the crisis and exacerbating Palestinian suffering. I’m struggling to find the words for why it troubles me so much to see all these conversations stuck on questions of whether anti Zionism is anti Semitism because don’t forget Israel and what about accountability for Palestine.
Please. Please. Please try to understand that an anti-Zionist pro-Palestine liberation stance is not one that needs championing in the left, that nobody fucking lets us forget Israel when we try to talk about Palestine, and nobody stops talking about Palestine when anyone mentions Israel, and it hasn’t done shit for diaspora or territory Palestinians except turn us into a handy slogan. Establishing a stance of basic advocacy for the rights and welfare of the Palestinian people is not what the discourse lacks, it is what the discourse needs to *move past* already. Everybody is well-versed and comfortable with the Israel Blame Game– it drowns out and supersedes everything else, and it’s everything else that Palestinian advocacy desperately needs.
This is something that frustrates me to no end because it’s not reducible to something like Israeli conduct being dealt with disproportionate scrutiny in the left *as such*, but as a function of urgency and relative space. When Israel overshadows discourse about Palestinian welfare even though it is Arabs who are responsible for the most staggering and horrific ongoing Palestinian abuses, we have a problem. And it can never be talked about or addressed because only Israel’s actions are viewed with agency and significance, and attributing Palestinian suffering to anything else is instantly condemned as insidious detraction.
So you can see how it is frustrating to go through the whole 'is pro-palestinian anti-zionism anti-semitic’ rigmarole when it is so often a distraction from more functional questions of Palestinian welfare.
Fact: There are kinds of anti-Zionism that are pro-Palestinian rights and that are also anti-Semitic. Fact: There are kinds of anti-Zionism that are pro-Palestinian rights and that are not anti-Semitic. Fact: There are kinds of Zionism that are consistent with upholding the rights and freedoms of Palestinian Arabs, and, fact: there are kinds that are categorically not.
Educated opinion: Not only is anti-Zionism the established and normative stance across most of the Middle East, but, if we’re being honest, probably the most prevalent and established type of anti-Zionism in the discourse is that which engages in solid pro-Palestinian advocacy while also falling into both gross and casual anti-Semitism. This is definitely the case in the broader discourse on the issue in the Middle East, and what’s more, there is next to no self-awareness of the anti-Semitic assumptions, myths, and bigotries, not to mention the historical revisionism, threading popular and political anti-Zionism in the MENA region and popular Palestinian and Lebanese culture as well. This is a problem, and one that will never be addressed as long as pro-Palestinianism and anti-Semitism are presumed to be wholly non-overlapping binaries by well-meaning leftists. It is both possible and necessary to acknowledge and mount critique of anti-semitic elements in pro-Palestine discourse while maintaining Palestinian advocacy. Acknowledging anti-Semitism in the discourse is not going to undermine the Palestinian cause. Again, people don’t need to be perfect moral agents to justify a defense of their humanity.
Educated opinion: Leftist discourse centering the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is overall entrenched in rigid, binary thinking and overwhelmingly leans pro-Palestine but in unfortunately too-basic, reductive ways. It already has an ideological rigidity problem. The discourse is such that to be pro-Palestine is to be above all transcendentally righteous: the lines of oppression and blame are clear and brook no further complexity; it is the cause no reasonable person can deny or fail to center in any conversation, and Palestinian advocacy is almost synonymous with condemnation for the Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people and aught else.
It is troubled with issues of allegiance and abstraction– maintaining certain principled stances re: the Cause is treated as an almost inviolable tenet for anybody who can claim to care about Palestine, despite the fact that the central narrative of the Cause pits the immediate welfare and prosperity of generations of living, breathing Palestinians against the memory of a Palestine that has not existed for decades and an abstract future promise of a right to return to a place that never again will be. The narrative may have once been in service of the people, but it has not been so in a long time. And it is only the narrative that is treated with sanctity by the most vocal champions of Palestine, and if it comes at the expense of Palestinian lives like in Yarmouk, so be it. Palestinian advocacy is more about condemning Israel than it is about supporting Palestine, and that is the problem.
It’s beginning to feel like despair, seeing how pro-Palestinian discourse is framed in terms of the questions of Zionism and anti-Zionism over and again, constantly centering and recentering the question of Palestinian welfare as a foil to Israeli aggression in broad nationalistic and/or existentialist terms, assuming unilateral causes, ascribing agency very selectively to regional actors, brooking no interrogation of Palestinian, Arab, or Muslim agency in the conflict, and obsessively resistant to moving past the past.
It’s been decades and Palestinians continue to suffer large-scale crises in basic resources, public health, trauma, and disenfranchisement, and they have largely been allowed to persist in the name *of* Palestine, at the hands of Arab regimes that shrug off all accountability in Israel’s direction, though for fifty years diaspora Palestinians in the larger Levant have been purely at the mercy of the Arab states housing them. We do not need to hear tired pro-liberation stances when it is those very stances that are used to justify keeping us holed up in Lebanese and Syrian refugee camps, stateless, in suspended animation, without civil rights or wealth or upwards mobility, dying slowly of poverty and deplorable living conditions and isolation if we’re lucky, and if we’re unlucky, until a guy like Assad comes along and murders, maims, starves, and makes refugees out of a whole city of us– and yet it is in the name of liberating Palestine that Assadist discourse proliferates, being anti-Israel, and Palestine’s catastrophe is only and ever subsumed into the crimes of Israel and not of those of Syria or Lebanon or Assad or Hamas or the PA or Fatah or the GCC states or anybody else. When I want to talk about Palestinian advocacy, I want to talk about Assad and the nearly 200,000 Palestinians in Yarmouk camp that are now dead or gone or starving under siege and I want to talk about how the Lebanese state has made pariahs and a lost people out of *generations* of diaspora Palestinians practically quarantined in refugee camps because of petty sectarian concerns and I want to talk about the Palestinian political elite grievously frittering away resources and opportunities that could have prevented significant Palestinian suffering and death because of political feuds and a reckless privileging of a jihadi cause over popular welfare– but I cannot, because the justifications, distractions, conspiracy theories loop incessantly back to Israel. Which cements *my* concern that these conversations are not really *about* Palestinian welfare at all.“
First You Came for the Trans Women: An Open Letter to the Chicago Dyke March Collective
Members of the Chicago Dyke March Collective (CDMC),
am a Jew. I am also the first trans woman to have been a member of
your collective. I am writing in regards to your collective’s
decision to ask three women carrying Jewish pride flags to leave the
2017 Chicago Dyke March.
interest in questions regarding inclusion at the Chicago Dyke March
goes at least as far back as 2009, the year when I became a core
member of your collective. Almost immediately I became concerned when
another core member violated a trans woman’s privacy in such a way
that, had it happened to me, I would have considered it a violation
of my sexual boundaries. In the backlash that ensued after I voiced
my complaint other core members put their feelings before trans
women’s need for safety and scapegoated me. It was only after the
aforementioned core member of your collective violated my sexual
boundaries, demonstrating even to the most loyal member of your
collective that my concerns were justified, that the verbal abuse
subsided. But still no justice. It was nearly two years before
representatives of your collective met with me to talk about what had
happened. Your collective made four promises to me and to Chicago’s
queer and trans community. It immediately kept the only promise that
required it to do nothing substantial—the promise to publicly
apologize. To this day it has not kept its other three promises. But
it has found new ways to hurt me, including publishing personal
correspondence that had the potential to out me. The last time I asked
CDMC about its cascading failure, it gave me no collective answer,
but in 2012 one of its members responded in a way that now seems like
eerie foreshadowing: She said that your collective owed me nothing
because I had already gotten my “pound of flesh”, thus drawing a
connection between me and an antisemitic caricature.
am hardly the only one who wants answers from your collective. Many
people are now asking, “Was the Chicago Dyke March Collective’s
decision to ask three Jewish women to leave the march antisemitic?”
It is a fair question. The political right likes to use
divide-and-conquer schemes to keep us from uniting to confront
oppression. As April Rosenblum argued in The Past Didn’t Go
Anywhere, one of the most successful instances of this scheme has
been the scapegoating of Jewish people to keep us from focusing on
our real oppressors. Blaming diasporic Jewish people for the actions
of the State of Israel is the latest variation on a theme at least as
old as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
course not all fair questions have “yes” as an answer. To find
out if your collective’s actions play
into systemic bias against Jewish people
we need to look at the facts. I was not at the march, so I will
charitably assume the
in its statement is true.
wrote, “We have since
learned that at least one of these individuals is a regional director
for A Wider Bridge” (emphasis mine). Does
need to be said that what
you learned about one of the Jewish women after you asked her to
leave the march could not have been the reason you asked the
to leave the march? You also wrote that the women were
Israeli flags superimposed on rainbow flags”. If the flags you were
referring to were like the one seen in a photograph published to the
web site of the Windy City Times
on Saturday, there was nothing superimposed on them besides
Stars of David, making them no different from the Jewish pride flags
I first saw at Dyke March in 2005 (five years before A Wider Bridge
was founded). The Star of David is a symbol of Judaism and my people,
the Jewish people, and there is nothing inherently Zionist about it.
It is evident to me that your collective has put some people’s
feelings before Jewish queer women’s need for queer community.
I find no comfort in
your assurance that “anti-Zionist Jewish volunteers and supporters
are welcome at Dyke March and were involved in conversations with the
individuals who were asked to leave”. For one thing, Jewish people,
including those of us who express our pride through the use of Jewish
symbolism, should not have to be extensively educated on all
political viewpoints before we can participate in an event that is
purportedly for all “dyke, queer, and trans” people. For another,
all too often Jewish people are subjected to a political litmus test
that non-Jewish people are not. (Nobody asked me what my views on
Palestine were before they found out I had Jewish ancestry. Such
selective outspokenness on Palestine does a disservice to both Jews
and Palestinians.) Finally, it reminds me of the reassurances I heard
after your collective violated me—that there were trans people who
nevertheless stood among you. The goal of solidarity is not to
collect oppressed people to insulate yourself from criticism even
while you crush us. Rather, the goal of solidarity is to stand with
all who are being crushed throughout our struggles even while we
resist internalized oppression. In 2010 your collective’s
insistence that I was “welcome” to participate in a march with
people who had hurt me did not stop your collective from violating me again. And
in 2017 your collective’s insistence that the Jewish people you
approve of are “welcome” to participate in a march where my
people have been harassed does not make your collective any less antisemitic.
This D*ke March antisemitism is hitting me so hard. Of course all antisemitism hurts me, I’m Jewish. But it’s that much harder when it comes from another community of which I am also a part: I’m a lesbian. I’m consistently subjected to antisemitism in LGBT spaces under the guise of anti Zionism .
I’m going home to my family, who live exactly where Boy’s Town (the historic gay neighborhood in Chicago) and one of the biggest the Jewish neighbourhoods meet.
Living there, in Chicago, as a Jewish Lesbian was the one place I really felt like could be authentically myself and true to all my intersecting identites.
I always wanted to return, dreamed of raising a Jewish family there one day with my partner.
Now that has been taken from me. That love, that sense of security, safety and acceptance. It’s gone.
I just want people to know how personal this is for me so that when we’re talking about it, if you’re trying to defend the organizers of the March, you realize how real the impact of their actions is. For me and for people like me.
I just found out that the dumbass Chicago Dyke March crew apparently kicked people out for flying a pride flag with the star of David on it because they are so ignorant and uneducated and unwilling to hold conversation that they didn’t realize it’s a symbol for Jewish people broadly, not the fucking official symbol for just Israel and Zionists. So fuck dykes, butches, and Jewish people showing pride in their being LGBT and Jewish I guess? What a horrible group of organizers.
"Why are you so upset by what happened at the Dyke March?"
I grew up surrounded by “Acceptable Anti-Semitism.” I’m not talking about having a rock thrown through my window or having my shul spray painted with the words “Jews Out.” Yes that is anti-semitic but I’m talking about other things: having people make fun of my name because it was hebrew, having to tuck in my magan david necklace when I walk through certain neighborhoods, the inability to understand how a goy could just go anywhere they wanted without risk of persecution. That was the type of anti-semitism I grew up with. The “acceptable” kind.
I also grew up in the Jewish LGBT community. I went to Eshel and Gay Gatherings. I was best friends with the Gay Mom of the community. I grew up with a grasp of LGBT history that most of my friends didn’t.
Why am I so upset, you ask. Why am I so upset?
Because while I never believed myself safe past “acceptable anti-semitism” in the LGBT communty, I know others did.
I know others believed that they were safe, that no one would hate them because of the fact that they were Jewish, and they were proven wrong.
And as much as I never trusted the LGBT community, I never thought that they wouldn’t be able to. I never thought that they would be kicked out of a Dyke March because of being Jewish.
This is about anti-semitism so ingrained in people they can’t comprehend that a Star of David isn’t a Zionist symbol so they kick anyone using it out of their community. This is about us, Jews, complaining about that and being told that we’re over reacting, that it is a zionist symbol, that we don’t belong, that how *dare* we complain about it to a community that has been just as historically oppressed as us, that we can’t blame the community because it was only a couple people who “felt unsafe” as it was. This is about the fact that we are jutted from yet another community. This is about the fact that we are no longer safe in that community. This is about the fact that people with *nothing* to do with Israel were kicked out. This is about the fact that even when we ask other communities for solidarity someone still says “well it *is* on the Israeli flag.”