The Senate is one vote away from giving the FBI warrantless access to your browsing history.

This morning the Senate fell one vote short of attaching a rider to a spending bill that would give the FBI sweeping new surveillance authority, including warrantless access to browsing history. Now, Senate leaders are trying to turn just one more senator in favor of the rider before doing a re-vote. This process is being spearheaded by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who introduced the rider (McCain Amendment 4787) late on Monday and is trying to sneak it through using a cloture process that limits any debate.

The senators who supported this amendment appear to be largely motivated by fear of seeming soft on terror after the recent mass shooting at the Pulse Nightclub in Orlando was widely and solely characterized as an act of Islamic terrorism, as opposed to an egregious hate crime against the LGBT community. Unfortunately, as is all too typical, the Senate’s knee-jerk solution is more misguided surveillance legislation.

You don’t have to be a legal scholar to see for yourself. The text of McCain Amendment 4787 is available on the congress.gov website (scroll to the bottom) and in plain language, it would give the FBI warrantless access to all sorts of private and personally-identifying information:

  • Real names, physical addresses, email addresses and telephone numbers
  • Credit card and bank account numbers and purchase history
  • Web browsing history
  • Local and long distance phone call history

The fact that this amendment failed by a narrow margin is no cause for celebration, as McConnell filed a motion to recommit. This will allow him to have a do-over vote as soon as he finds one more senator to support it. McConnell’s mix of strong-arm and stealth tactics in pushing a surveillance amendment is nothing new; he was able to pass the much-maligned Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA) similarly, by attaching it to a must-pass defense spending bill. But in the case of McCain Amendment 4787, his speed and precision is unprecedented.

How we fight back

The good news is that it looks like we have a real shot at halting this legislation. Since yesterday, Fight for the Future has helped drive over 2,000 phone calls to senators using the dial-in tool set up at 1-919-FREEDOM and www.decidethefuture.org. Thanks to everyone who has taken action, we’ve been ringing the Senate’s phones off the hook, and we made a crucial difference in winning this morning’s vote. Now we need to turn up the volume. The one thing senators hate worse than maybe seeming soft on terror is having their constituents actually pissed off at them.

How did your senators vote? Check here, and then call and tell them what you think of them!




On 26 May 2016, the High Court of Seoul upheld the two-year prison sentence of Kim Hye-young, a woman in South Korea with thyroid cancer, who was earlier arrested for taking part in a peaceful demonstration. Kim, who developed mental health problems while in detention, is going on a hunger strike while authorities have continued to refuse her treatment outside the detention facility.

Kim Hye-young, a South Korea activist with thyroid cancer, has been sentenced to a two-year prison term for taking part in a peaceful demonstration on 29 January. She filed an appeal and on 26 May, the High Court of Seoul upheld the earlier verdict for violating the National Security Law.

Kim Hye-young had been suffering from thyroid cancer prior to her arrest, and developed mental health problems during her detention. Despite the recommendation of a psychiatrist, the Ministry of Justice continues to deny Kim Hye-young outpatient treatment. This includes psychological counselling which must be conducted without the direct supervision of staff from the detention facility.

Kim Hye-young has gone on a hunger strike to maintain her innocence and to fight for her right to receive health treatment outside the prison. According to her contacts, Kim Hye-young’s health condition is “very worrying,” and she is determined to leave the prison whether alive or dead.

Please write immediately in Korean, English or your own language:

  • Urging the authorities to drop their charges, and immediately and unconditionally release Kim Hye-young and other members of CAIRD (see “additional information”), who were only legitimately expressing their rights to the freedom of expression and peaceful assembly;
  • Pending her release, urging them to immediately allow Kim Hye-young access to adequate care and treatment outside the detention facility, without unnecessary interference;
  • Calling on them to stop the arbitrary use of the National Security Law and ensure that freedom of expression, opinion and association are fully respected, protected and fulfilled.


Warden, Seoul Detention Center
Choi Gang-ju
143 Anyangpangyo-ro, Euiwang-si, Gyeonggi-do,
Republic of Korea 16001
Email: Seouldc@korea.kr
Phone: +82-31-423-6100
Salutation: Dear Warden

Minister of Justice
Kim Hyun-woong
Gwanmun_ro 47, Gwacheon-si,
Gyeonggi-do, Republic of Korea 13809
Fax: +82-2-2110-0350
Twitter: @happymoj
Salutation: Dear Minister

Prime Minister
Hwang Kyo-ahn
Government Complex Sejong, 261 Dasom-ro,
Sejong-si, Republic of Korea
Twitter: @PrimeMinisterKR
Salutation: Your Excellency

Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. 

Read more: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa25/4150/2016/en/


Neo-McCarthyism and the Indoctrination of S.Korean Children

Videos of 6- to 7-year-old children making strong anti-Communist remarks during a speech contest held at a church in Seoul went viral, sparking controversy among social media users.

“Let’s become kindergarteners who fight against the evil Communist Party and defeat them,” a girl shouted in the string of videos released by the church, which requested to stay anonymous, on a portal site in June. 

In another clip, a boy wearing a military uniform says, “The reason why this country was torn apart was because of communism,” in reference to the 1950-53. “The North Korean Communist Party asserts that they can kill parents, relatives and family for the sake of communism.”

He later ended his 2-minute long speech by saying, “North Korea’s communism and the Communist Party should be eradicated forever in this world.”

“North Korea’s Communist Party does not believe in God,” a girl, wearing traditional Korean hanbok in black and white, said. “They say God is nonexistent. How foolish.”

These remarks were all made during the church’s annual speech contest on patriotism in June.

“The church did not organize the event. The kindergarten class autonomously made decision to hold it,” an official at the church said in response to the controversy.

According to local online news outlet Media Today, the church-organized speech contest began in 2007, with contestants ranging from kindergarten children to elementary school students and middle school students across the country.

Military officers and soldiers in active service were reportedly included in the contest’s judge panel. It was reported late pastor emeritus of the church, who was a veteran of the Korean War, started the speech contest. 

via http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20151116000882

North Shore Line 420 heading south at Dempster Street in Skokie, Ilinois

Today this is the northern terminus of the CTA Yellow Line (the Skokie Swift), and the station at right is now home to a Starbucks.

Surveillance of Koreans and Korean Americans in the United States, both by the south Korean and U.S. governments, has also added another layer of complexity to the politics of the Korean American community. In the 1950s in Los Angeles, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) collaborated with the south Korean state by deporting a number of Korean Americans who were critical—mostly in the pages of their bilingual newspaper called the Korean Independent—of Syngman Rhee, the U.S. occupation of Korea, and U.S. intervention in the Korean War.[40] The interpenetration of the U.S and south Korean intelligence apparatuses was again demonstrated by the Western Illinois Campus Spy Ring of 1985, which involved two Korean Americans and three students from Korea who came to the United States between 1982 and 1983 to pursue their graduate degrees at Western Illinois University. During their stays in the United States, Kim Sŏng-man and Yang Tong-hwa, both majoring in political science, were said to have read widely about the political system of north Korea, met with north Korean officials in Hungary and East Berlin, received political indoctrination and instructions on how to engage in antigovernment activities, and passed on information about the south Korean student movement to the north Koreans. In fact, what they had done was show a documentary about the Kwangju Uprising on campus. All three south Korean international students were arrested and severely tortured. Kim Sŏng-man and Yang Tong-hwa were sentenced to death, and Hwang T’ae-gwŏn was sentenced to life in prison.[41] Because of their U.S. citizenship status, Lee Chang-sin and Sŏ Chŏng-gyun were spared imprisonment and torture, but their names were plastered over all the Korean-language newsapers in the United States.

The close collaboration between the U.S. and south Korean governments in this case was revealed by a former FBI agent, Jack Ryan, who was ordered to conduct a background check on the accused after they had already been arrested. He noted that the background check was carried out “as part of the foreign policy of south Korea, which is also part of [U.S.] foreign policy.”[42] It was also based on the assumption that their “espionage activities” might have involved activities harmful to U.S. interests, as presumbably the three were working for north Korea, an “enemy” of the United States.[43] Ryan also notes that the U.S. government allowed the government of south Korea to plant security agents—in this case an army major in the guise of a graduate student—in American universities to monitor any dissent among Korean students.[44]

Gyeongsan Cobalt Mine and Massacre Site

… In the late 1930s the Japanese used Korean labor to mine the gold and silver in the mine, but with the discovery of cobalt and cobalt being useful for strengthening steel necessary for war munitions, cobalt became the more valued object of the mine. The mine was shut down with the expulsion of the Japanese from Korea. Right after the onset of the Korean War, from July to September, political prisoners were brought to the mine, beaten, shot, burned with flame-throwers, and thrown down the mine shaft, which was then dynamited to obscure evidence. I’ve read since that the largest civilian massacres occurred on the sites of former Japanese occupation.

The mine is kept locked to keep ghost-seekers out and to preserve the evidence. Already two excavations have taken place and bones for 400 or so people have been removed, but with the 3,500 people reported victims of the massacre, 3,000 are yet unaccounted for. Unfortunately, excavations are expensive and the bereaved families poor. Bags and bags of dirt with bone fragments and teeth line the inside of the mine, waiting for funding to further the excavation. Beneath the shaft where the largest number of bones have been excavated so far, the mud is oily with yellow adipose, even now, 65 years later. A trailer not far from the entrance stores several boxes of bones while the greater number are refrigerated for preservation at a research lab until funding can be obtained to further excavation. Bereaved families don’t know if their family members have been excavated yet, and DNA testing is too expensive, so they wait to excavate all before giving all wandering spirits a soul-cleansing ceremony to bid them cease their wanderings. But there is no money, no discussion, and no reconciliation. Therefore, there is no closure for the mine victims and for the bereaved families by extension.

As one Truth and Reconciliation article pointed out, “During the military dictatorships and repressive regimes of President Rhee Syngman, General Chun Doo-hwan, and President Park Chung-hee, these atrocities were kept secret,” and bereaved family members who organized in the 1960s were imprisoned. Korea has had a long history of guilt-by-association so for survival the bereaved family members became silent.

In 2000 under the presidency of Kim Dae-jung, a special law related to the Cheju Uprising, another Korean War massacre site, was passed and all bereaved families members were finally encouraged and invited to register as such. This registry as I understand it was only open for one year and has never been opened since. It is estimated that only 10% of the bereaved families registered for fear of continued guilt-by-association consequences that they had lived with all of their lives. Guilt-by-association prevented them from being civil servants which therefore discouraged them from studying as jobs opened to the educated were in general not opened to them. 2,500 of those massacred in the cobalt mine were classified broadly as ‘political prisoners’. A ‘political prisoner’ could be someone who spoke out against the ruling party, fed someone who spoke out, or even had money and therefore was viewed as being associated with the moneyed “reds”. Just by having a relative massacred in the mine placed the label of “red” on whole families by extension.

President Roh Mu-hyun allotted funding for excavations and made an apology, officially recognizing the illegal use of power in previous governments. However, this funding was cut short in the Lee Myung-bak presidency and at present the topic of funding or recognition is like a heavy tombstone under the office of Park Guen-hye. Elder daughter of the military dictator-president Park Chung-hee, Park Guen-hye presently seeks to use government office to write and enforce a “Correct History Textbook” in middle and high school classes across Korea. Many historians argue that replacing the current choice of eight textbooks with only one, which they feel will “whitewash” her father’s era of military rule among other historical events, will continue to hide historical truths and events that need to be academically discussed and presented. Korea disputes the Japanese textbooks which Koreans say distort history, and yet the current government is taking steps to change history via textbook also. Franklin P. Jones, 18th-century publisher, so aptly said, “Perhaps nobody has changed the course of history as much as the historian.” The question asked by many is, if history is distorted and events glossed over, how will future Korean leaders learn the mistakes of the past so as to aim for a better and brighter future?

Read More: http://www.iscenter.or.kr/bbs/bbs/board.php?bo_table=network&wr_id=157

South Korea to announce “big data program” to predict likelihood of future crimes
The program aims to use statistics to identify trends and “potential offenders,” but critics worry it will violate personal information protections

South Korean police have begun work on a “big data program” in which online information is input into a database to predict the likelihood of future crimes.

The plan, which has been likened to a Korean version of the film Minority Report - a futuristic science fiction film about psychics predicting crimes before they happen - is now poised to generate controversy over the lack of public discussion over the potential for illegal gathering of personal information.

On Feb. 4 the Korean National Police Agency (KNPA) website showed an announcement recruiting participants for new “security science technology research and development projects.” The biggest of the three projects in question was for the development of a “big data-based crime analysis program.” The project currently has a budget of 5.2 billion won (US$4.4 million), with 1.5 billion won (US$1.3 million) to be spent in its inaugural year of 2016.

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South Korea Government Accused of Using Defamation Laws to Silence Critics
Such laws carry penalties of up to seven years in prison — even for comments that are true, if they are deemed not to be in the public interest.
By Choe Sang-Hun

Last year, the United Nations Human Rights Committee warned against South Korea’s “increasing use of criminal defamation laws to prosecute persons who criticize government action.” Freedom House, a rights group based in Washington, criticized “the increased intimidation of political opponents” under Ms. Park, who took office in 2013.

“The government is especially sensitive about defending the personal reputation of the president,” said Park Kyung-sin, a professor of law at Korea University who has researched the issue.

The Constitution guarantees freedom of expression. But defamation laws here carry penalties that include prison — up to three years for comments that are true and up to seven for statements considered false — if they are deemed not in the public interest. Critics say the distinction is vague and opens the door to abuse by prosecutors.

NIS collecting data from mass surveillance
Hankyoreh reporter Bang Jun-ho enters Mapo Police Station in Seoul after being summoned as part of the investigation into the seizing of his telecommunications data, Mar. 18. (by Kim Tae-hyeong, staff photographer)

The National Intelligence Service (NIS), prosecutors, and police have really covered a wide range of targets in their communications surveillance. Seeing the results gathered by the Hankyoreh on communications data provided for its own reporters, opposition party officials, and Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) staffers is enough to leave us shocked and terrified. People who have nothing at all in common - let alone anything to talk on the phone about - had their data pulled en masse on the very same day. We can only wonder what the purpose of this personal information dragnet was.

It’s hard to believe this kind of indiscriminate gathering of data was for investigation reasons. The Hankyoreh‘s own investigation found that on Jan. 7, the NIS requested communications information on 28 people in six consecutively numbered documents. The list included six Hankyoreh reporters, 19 KCTU staffers, four opposition party officials, and the family member of a victim in the Apr. 2014 Sewol sinking. For other people, no information was yet available on whether communications data were provided, and with some documents almost certainly remaining to be checked, it’s possible that even more information was given. The NIS claims it checked up on people whose telephone numbers came up as having been in contact with the subjects of an internal investigation into National Security Law violations. But nothing in the duties, daily routines, or relationships of the people whose data were searched offers any kind of common threads connecting them either publicly or personally with specific investigation subjects. The fact that their personal information was provided all at once suggests it may have been intended less for investigative purposes than as sweeping surveillance of groups that have been critical of the administration.


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Defector groups accuse protesters of ‘pro-North,’ anti-state actions (donotlink)
Defector groups accuse protesters of violent tactics against 'liberal democracy'

Defector activists who support the idea of a government-designated history textbook on Wednesday tore into demonstrators who protested in Seoul last Saturday, accusing them of violent tactics and anti-state activities.

Members of the Freedom Unification Youth Alliance organization gathered in front of the Seoul Central District Prosecutor’s Office.

“The demonstration on Saturday turned into an illegal demonstration with excessive violence from the beginning. It was obviously anti-state activities aimed at undermining liberal democracy,” the press release read.

The defectors asserted that some leftists are trying to overturn the foundation of Republic of Korea, in keeping with North Korea’s strategy of threatening South Korea.

“Among the leading demonstrators, there were obviously those who were pro-North (jongbuk),” Choi Hyun-jun, president of Unification Future Alliance, told NK News.

Unification Future Alliance (Tongil Mirae Yeondae) and Freedom Unification Youth Alliance (Jayu Tongil Cheongnyeon Yeondae) are identified as separate organizations.

Choi said it was evident that demonstrators had prepared violent actions, regardless of the government reaction.

“The protestors argued for the overturning of society and the liberal democratic ideology,” Choi told NK News.

Choi said that there are “professional protestors,” with farmer Paek Nam-ki serving as an example.

Paek remains in critical condition after being hit by a blast from a police water cannon, resulting in complaints of excessive force. Paek was a leader in anti-military dictatorship student movements during 1970s and ’80s, and currently works in a Catholic farmers’ community. […]

Will Fight a Thousand Times Over: The Power of a Mother
She then pans out to the story of countless other mothers. “At that time, they would torture the prisoners. We worried our children were being tortured. When we went to see them, they would always say they weren’t being tortured.” She recounts the story of an overjoyed mother whose son told her he had not been tortured. Later during the trial, the mother fainted at hearing his testimony of torture. He had been tortured by electrocution, water drowning, and whisky bottle. Kim, Jeong Sook recounts the whisky bottle torture, “They would place the prisoner’s penis on the table and hit it with the whisky bottle yelling that he didn’t deserve to have children because he was a criminal. Then they would take turns drinking from the bottle. ”

The use of the National Security Law had peaked in 1996 with the Yonsei University Uprising. The Korean Confederation of Student Councils was labeled an enemy of the state, and many of its student activists became fugitives and were arrested under the NSL. When Kim Dae Jung came into office in 1998, the NSL persisted, but many of the accused were pardoned and the number of incarcerations under the NSL drastically dropped. Then in 2004, President Roh Moo Hyun stated he would put the NSL in a museum as it was outdated. This inspired massive mobilizations in civil society to get the NSL abolished. A thousand people fasted for its abolishment in Yeoido Park (near the National Assembly). Yet, the growing protests and mobilizations sparked a backlash from conservative groups. Kim, Hyun Joo recalls, “The conservative groups argued, ‘If the NSL is abolished, how are you going to lock up a person that goes out to Yeoido waving the North Korean flag and yelling long live Kim Il Sung?’ My response is: ‘So what?’ When Obama comes to Korea, aren’t there people outside waving US flags and saying long live Obama? How is that any different?” Ultimately, the NSL failed to be abolished or even reformed. Nonetheless, it was rarely used under Roh Moo Hyun. It was only after the conservatives came back into power with Lee Myung Bak’s election that the NSL began to be used to investigate, prosecute, and convict people. It continues to be so used under the conservative Park Geun Hye administration.


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So things I have learned on my fit journey.
Stay away from Kraft Brand ✅Salad dressing. Unless you want high blood pressure ✅don’t cook with CeCe. She eats all the ingredients 😑
✅Eat organic. Organic foods have no GMOs. People say that a lot but don’t actually know what it stands for. It’s Genetically modified organisms. You want food that have not been altered , shot up with steroids (super chicken!!) , growth hormones etc
Fewer pesticides
Better for our environment
When processed food looses a lot of it nutritional value as well
Kraft Ranch 300mg sodium
Ken Dteakhouse Ranch 280mg sodium !
Wishbone Italian 490 mg sodium !! Buy dressing with fewer than 45 calories per tablespoon (serving)
And less than 5 grams of sugar per serving.
Pay attention to portion sizes
Watch for added sugars.
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The Korean War, Anticommunism, and the Korean American Community
In collaboration with the Korea Policy Institute, Legacies of the Korean War, an online oral-history project that documents the stories of Korean American survivors of the war and their descendants, is pleased to announce the forthcoming launch of its website. In anticipation of the launch, we present a special series of articles, which will be available on both the KPI and Legacies of the Korean War websites

By Namhee Lee 

Until very recently, the unfinished Korean War and the deepening geopolitics of the Cold War also silenced those who lost their loved ones and those whose lives were irrevocably from disrupted, preventing them from speaking freely about their own experiences. This silence pervaded the Korean American community as well, aggravated by anticommunism in the United States, the close alliance between the United States and south Korea, which shared intelligence based on the monitoring of Korean Americans, and the community’s own internal censorship. In what follows, I discuss the emergence of anticommunism as a hegemonic social discourse in the trajectory of south Korean state formation. I then discuss the role of the National Security Law and the Anticommunist Law in silencing undesirable elements in society. I conclude with a brief remarks on the impact of anticommunism on the Korean American community. []

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