Asmaa Mahfouz (b. 1985) is an Egyptian activist, responsible for sparking the mass
uprising that led to the 2011 Egyptian revolution. She is one of the founders
of the April 6 Youth Movement.
After her video which encouraged Egyptians to stand up for their basic
human rights and fight the Mubarak regime, over 50,000 protesters followed her
lead in Tahrir Square, Cairo. She received the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of
Thought for her contributions to “historic changes in the Arab world”.
*Waits patiently for Americans to apologise for destroying my country, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Libya, Egypt, Somalia, Sudan and giving birth to terrorists groups like Al Qaeda, Al Nusra, the Taliban and ISIS, but still blaming and portraying Muslims as the terrorists*
Inspired by The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters swept through the streets of Egypt on the 25th of January, 5 years ago, demanding an end to the corruption and Mubarak’s 30 year rule as President.
25 January 2011: An anti-government protester defaces a picture of Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak in Alexandria [Stringer]
26 January 2011: Riot police clash with protesters in Cairo as thousands of Egyptians defied a ban on protests by returning to Egypt’s streets and calling for President Hosni Mubarak to leave office [Goran Tomasevic]
A protester holds up a banner in front of a line of riot police in downtown Cairo. [Unknown]
28 January 2011: A protester stands in front of a burning barricade as police and demonstrators fought running battles on the streets of Cairo in a fourth day of protests
28 January 2011: An Egyptian anti-government activist kisses a riot police officer following clashes in Cairo, Egypt [Lefteris Pitarakis]
28 January 2011: A man tries to protect himself with an Egyptian flag as police fire water cannons at protesters in Cairo
A masked protester throws a gas canister towards Egyptian riot police, not seen, near the Interior Ministry during clashes in downtown Cairo. [Tara Todras-Whitehill]
28 January 2011: A protester watches an Egyptian Army armoured vehicle burn in Cairo after President Hosni Mubarak ordered troops into Egyptian cities in an attempt to quell growing mass protests demanding an end to his 30-year rule
28 January 2011: Egyptians gather around the burning headquarters of the ruling National Democratic party (NDP) in Cairo [Khaled Desouki]
A graffitied smiley face on a wall constructed by the military to impede protesters. [Amru Salahuddien]
29 January 2011: The headquarters of the ruling National Democratic (NLD) party burns after it was set ablaze by protesters in Cairo [Yannis Behrakis]
Riot police use water cannons on protesters trying to cross the Kasr al-Nile bridge. [Peter Macdiarmid]
30 January 2011: Protesters in Cairo hold a banner featuring a cartoon calling for Hosni Mubarak to step down [Asmaa Waguih]
31 January 2011: Egyptian film star Omar Sharif points to Tahrir, or Liberation, Square, in Cairo, Egypt [Lefteris Pitarakis]
31 January 2011: A protester holds a placard depicting Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak as Adolf Hitler in Cairo’s Tahrir Square [Yannis Behrakis]
1 February 2011: Tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrators march in Alexandria, Egypt [Ahmed Muhammed]
1 February 2011: An Egyptian man sits atop one of the lions at the entrance of Kasr El Nil Bridge, leading to Tahrir Square [Zeinab Mohamed]
2 February 2011: A pro-Mubarak rioter riding on a camel clashing with anti-government protesters in what became known as the Battle of the Camel [Chris Hondros]
6 February 2011: A Muslim holding the Quran (left) and a Coptic Christian holding a cross are carried through opposition supporters in Tahrir Square in Cairo [Dylan Martinez]
8 February 2011: Egyptian anti-government protesters perform the evening prayers as they gather at Cairo’s Tahrir square [Patrick Baz]
10 February 2011: Anti-government bloggers work on their laptops from Cairo’s Tahrir square on the 17th day of consecutive protests calling for the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak [Patrick Baz]
10 February 2011: Anti-government protesters raise their shoes after a speech by Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak saying that he had given some powers to his vice president but would not resign or leave the country [Chris Hondros]
11 February 2011: Egyptian women celebrate the news of the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, who handed control of the country to the military, at night in Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo, Egypt [Tara Todras-Whitehill]
11 February 2011: Celebrating the announcement of Hosni Mubarak’s resignation in Tahrir Square [Jonathan Rashad]
18 February 2011: A girl attends Friday prayers in front of an army tank in Tahrir Square in Cairo a week after Mubarak resigned [Suhaib Salem]
18 February 2011: A woman waves an Egyptian flag on a balcony overlooking Cairo’s Tahrir Square as hundreds of thousands of people gather to celebrate the revolt that forced president Hosni Mubarak to step down [Mohammed Abed]
This is the consequences when we don’t get money out of politics. Not just becuase people will still call it a #democracy". It’s people with the most money will buy access to people in power for something in return.
Various depictions of the “People’s Spring” of 1848, such as the Battle of Buda, the Five Days of Milan, the slaughter of Galician nobles by Polish peasants, the declaration of the Serbian Vojvodina, the short-lived victory by the revolutionaries in Berlin, and the victorious return of Royal Danish troops from the First Schleswig War.
Revolution and insurrection must not be looked upon as synonymous. The former consists in an overturning of conditions, of the established condition or status, the State or society, and is accordingly a political
or social act; the latter has indeed for its unavoidable consequence a transformation of circumstances, yet does not start from it but from men’s discontent with themselves, is not an armed rising but a rising of individuals, a getting up without regard to the arrangements that spring from it. The Revolution aimed at new arrangements; insurrection leads us no longer to let ourselves be arranged, but to arrange ourselves, and sets no glittering hopes on ‘institutions’. It is not a fight against the established, since, if it prospers, the established collapses of itself; it is only a working forth of me out of the established.
Insurrection, it may be argued, starts with the individual refusing his enforced identity, the ‘I’ through which power operates: it starts ‘from men’s discontent with themselves.’ Moreover Stirner says that insurrection does not aim at overthrowing political institutions themselves. It is aimed at the individual overthrowing his own identity — the outcome of which is, nevertheless, a change in political arrangements. Insurrection is therefore not about becoming what one ‘is’ according to hu-manism — becoming human, becoming Man — but about becoming what one is not. Stirner’s notion of rebellion involves a process of becoming — it is about continually reinventing one’s own self. The self is not an essence, a defined set of characteristics, but rather an emptiness, a “creative nothing”,and it is up to the individual to create something out of this and not be limited by essences.
from War on the State: Deleuze & Stirner’s Anarchism, by Saul Newman
Capitalism and Corporate Benefits: a hidden theft from the value of labor of the proletariat
interesting thought I had today on value of labor: my health care is subsidized
by my company (ie. I pay $x for a plan that would cost $y on the open
market, and the company makes up the rest), I also have some other
benefits on top of my not great but not terrible salary with a
similar $x to $y relationship.
this functionally means, is that my labor is valued at $z more than I
am paid (‘z’ being the difference between actual benefit costs
and what I pay, for some of which I pay 0$), however the distribution
of that value ‘z’ (which I would otherwise be in control of) is
decided for me by my employer. Additionally, they can save money off
of the value of ‘z’ by getting group/corporate rates for every
employee with the same plan as I have, creating a further disparity
between my pay and the value of my labor because the benefits still
have the same free market cost to me, but have a reduced cost to my
short, while I am grateful for the benefits I have in the current
workscape, and I would be paying for most of these things out of
pocket anyways if it weren’t for the fact that the company provides
them, instead of being paid *closer* to the value of my labor and
being given choice of health insurance, life insurance, my
investments/retirement funding, etc. the corporate block decides
these things for me, and sells a compound loss in my value of labor
back to me in the form of “benefits.”
London, with a black umbrella, on my way to meet a stranger in a dark, little pub where we will plot a revolution.
A garden in April. Everything smells fresh and damp.
The middle of the Amazon rain forest, joyfully diving into a river, the call of howler monkeys and green parrots accompany the pouring rain.
A moor. In Scotland. Preferably riding a horse.
A great library. The kind with sliding ladders, floor to ceiling shelves, and maps on the wall. And maybe a fireplace. Ancient tomes are stacked around me. I’m so immersed in the book in front of me that I barely hear the rain on the rooftop.
Prompt: I was the flower girl and you were the ring bearer in the same wedding, and 20 years later we’re at another wedding AU
Éponine crawls underneath the heavy white table cloth, wiping her hands on the skirt of her dress. She kicks off her shoes and watches as they slither across the polished floor of the restaurant, all the way down to the other end of the table. Above her head, glasses are clinking, forks are scraping against china platters. The bride’s laughter is mingling with the sound of her husband’s booming voice. Éponine is five, her dress itches, and the smoke hanging in the air makes her sneeze.
There’s a rustle of fabric, a streak of light.
“Found you.” He’s crouched down, peeking into her make-shift cave. Enjolras is six, and his white dress-shirt is still neatly tucked into his pants, but his blue tie is missing.