rally for gay rights

ok but consider this:

  • aph kids that feel overwhelming surges of love randomly and start hugging people bc “gdi you’ve been my friend for like two days youre such a great person???”
  • aph kids with no personal space whatsoever and sometimes kiss people in a completely platonic way and their friends are left wondering what the fuck just happened
  • aph kids that are bitter about love!!!!! self contradicting demigods gdi!!!!!
  • ones that embody all the marina and the diamonds songs ALL OF THEM
  • ones that embody all the taylor swift songs oh my god
  • ones that are amazing with make up like what the fuck eyeliner game too strong
  • ones that make dresses off the curtains in the cabin like giselle from enchanted tbh
  • yes aph kids that are all kinds of outer beauty
  • yes aph kids that are all kinds of inner beauty
  • aph kids that are okay looking but god damn they appreciate and see the beauty in everything and everyone
  • photographers!! painters!!!! ARTISTS!!
  • black widow type of aph kids that are all about emotional manipulation
  • ones that like to sleep around with literally everyone
  • ones that are saving themselves for that special someone
  • aph kids that have one otp they will defend to their death
  • ones that have had their wedding day planned down to what tablecloth they’ll be using since they were like 5
  • ones that want to be wedding planners/bridesmaids their life goal is literally 27 dresses
  • ones that prefer not to get married
  • all aph kids that fight and rally for gay rights all together and very passionately
  • asexual/aromantic aph kids that appreciate love from afar!!!
  • literally all the sexualities are represented in the cabin and everyone is cool with it bc its all the same love for gods sake
  • ones that represent love for famliy
  • love for friends
  • love for country
  • love for tv
  • love for apple pie
  • love for shoelaces

I don’t have to go to the library to do my history homework for once, somebody is finally using the very good scanlan icon I made, and when I went to get dinner wearing my gal pal shirt somebody stopped me saying “you look like someone who wants to help gay chechnyans” but didn’t ask me for money so I’m having a pretty good day all things considered

Enjoltaire Headcanon

Just imagine, Enjolras, Grantaire, Modern!Au in High School with the prompt “I’m not gonna teach your boyfriend how to dance with you”.

• Their story starts in pre-school. Grantaire loves dancing, has ever since he could stand up and wiggle around. He meets Enjolras in pre-school, they sit next to each other, constantly arguing about colors they use while drawing (”Trees aren’t blue!” - “It’s abstract!”), Enjolras’ dreams (”I’m gonna change the world.” - “No, you won’t.” - “But… Yes…?” - “Nobody can change the world.”) and words neither of them know the meaning to.

• In elementary school, they finally become friends. Grantaire’s love for dancing grows. His parents decide to send him to dancing lessons for children. 

•In middle school, some time in 8th grade, Enjolras asks Grantaire to teach him how to dance. They stumble around, Enjolras steps on Grantaire’s feet constantly, his hair falls into his eyes, they laugh until they stomaches hurt. (”You are a hopeless cause, Apollo.”) Somewhere during their lessons Grantaire realizes he’s in love with Enjolras.

• In high school, they come out to each other and their group of friends. (”I don’t think I’m that straight…” - “That’s okay, me neither. You can still change the world.”)

• One day, at a meeting of Les Amis, Grantaire shoots down every argument Enjolras has - Enjolras doesn’t talk to him for a whole week. After that week Enjolras has a shiny new boyfriend. Grantaire feels like he burns inside - he feels like dying. He tells nobody.

• Even though Enjolras and his boyfriend break up fairly quickly, Enjolras is never single for long anymore. He seems to be dating the whole school. Grantaire feels like he will never have a chance with his Apollo…

• This goes on until their senior prom. Grantaire and Enjolras being the best of friends, constantly arguing for their cause, Grantaire hopelessly loving Enjolras, Enjolras constantly dating another person. 

• A month before senior prom Enjolras asks Grantaire to teach his current boyfriend how to dance. And Grantaire, he can’t say no to Enjolras. Not to his Apollo. He bows his head and says yes, he teaches the boyfriend, he despises every moment of it. He doesn’t go to prom. He doesn’t want to see Enjolras happily dancing – not wasting one thought on Grantaire. 

• After that, Grantaire starts teaching dancing lessons at a local studio (he loves teaching the little kids, they are so talented and full of enthusiasm), Enjolras goes to university to study poli-sci. They share a flat – they are best friends after all. They are depressingly domestic and Grantaire feels like he’s in some sort-of-relationship with Enjolras. (Enjolras keeps sleeping in his bed somehow. Grantaire makes breakfast for him every morning, Enjolras is just so adorable before he has had his first cup of coffee – he’s definitely not a morning person. One morning, Enjolras comes into the kitchen, with crazy sex-hair from sleeping, his eyes still closed, wearing some boxers that belonged to Grantaire at some point, probably, and Grantaire’s favorite band shirt. Grantaire’s heart stops for almost a whole minute before Enjolras pads over to him barefooted to hug him and hide his face in the crook of Grantaire’s neck. Grantaire dies there and then from adorableness.) If he notices that Enjolras dates less and less, well, his friends don’t need to know.

• All is well, until Enjolras finishes university. There’s some sort of dance ball to celebrate graduation. Enjolras asks Grantaire to teach his date how to dance. At first, Grantaire feels like his heart is breaking into a million little pieces. (He had had that slight hope that Enjolras would ask him to be his date… It felt like they had been dating for the longest time…) He agrees reluctantly though. He still hasn’t learnt how to say no to Enjolras, his best friend, his Apollo, his sun, the love of his life. 

• One evening he teaches the guy, when Enjolras storms into the studio. Grantaire leaves after Enjolras starts yelling about some sabotaged rally he had organized with Les Amis. (They were trying to defend gay rights and establish gender neutral toilettes at Enjolras’ university – a protest for their friend Jehan. In the end, somebody had called the principle to tell him about the planned sit-in. The police were already waiting for the protest to begin – and to destroy it. Of course, some people took that opportunity to start a riot… It didn’t end well…) 

• The next morning Grantaire comes into his studio to find a broken and bloodied mirror, twenty dollars and a post-it note from Enjolras. He had punched the mirror, broken up with the guy, called up Joly to help with his bleeding hand, stayed with Courfeyrac for the night (didn’t want to disturb Grantaire by crawling into his bed at 2 in the morning – little did he know that Grantaire hadn’t been sleeping at all), left twenty dollars for a new mirror – not necessarily in that order. Grantaire teaches the only group of small children he has that day and goes back to his and Enjolras’ shared apartment.

• Enjolras later asks if Grantaire would teach another one of his dates, which is when Grantaire finally snaps. (They had been preparing dinner, Grantaire cutting vegetables, Enjolras stirring some sort of sauce, when Enjolras had asked. Grantaire had cut his finger at hearing the question. He’s swearing like a sailor as he’s pressing a dish towel to his injury. The he registers what Enjolras had asked him. He’s freaking out.) He’s yelling something along the lines of “I’m not gonna teach your boyfriend how to dance with you ‘cause you’re the guy I’ve been wanting for years and you didn’t even notice”.

• Enjolras is stunned into silence after that admission. Grantaire panics and leaves to sleep at the studio that evening. Enjolras shows up halfway through the night, declaring his love for Grantaire by standing outside the studio with a giant boombox and screaming at the top of his lungs that he loves Grantaire. That he never wants to leave him. Then he comes up into the studio, kissing him like his life depends on it. They dance to an unheard melody until they fall asleep.

• The final time Enjolras asks Grantaire to teach somebody how to dance is a month before their wedding. Turns out, none of their friends can actually dance enough for a wedding…

I am so glad that Netflix made a documentary about Marsha P. Johnson. I’m watching it right now. I find myself wishing the doc was more of a straight ahead biography instead of inserting a stand-in for the audience (though Victoria Cruz’s perspective is interesting) to try to solve the mystery of her death.

But that being said, criticizing the film too harshly seems unfair because the fact that the film even exists is so damn important.

I don’t remember how one of the interviewees termed it but they essentially said that Marsha showed how you could be militant and strong and political, but also have part of your personality be that you are kind and proud and beautiful and OUT.

Also the footage of Sylvia Riveria at the 1973 Gay Rights Rally in Christopher Street Park is so historic and important and VITAL.

Latin Night Is Back At Gay Bars In Orlando -- Where It Belongs
At the first major Latin Night at a gay club in this city since last week’s mass shooting, two survivors took the stage.

“I’ve decided to devote all my time and energy to go to any rally, any function, to fight for the Latin community and gay rights,” said one of them, a young man wearing a backward baseball cap. “You can’t be scared, because the more you’re scared, the more he wins.”

Kenya Michaels, a former contestant on “RuPaul’s Drag Race” who’d performed at Pulse nightclub on the Sunday of the shooting, spoke next.

“Today we celebrate life,” she said in Spanish. “Take advantage of today, and tell whoever you love that you love them.”


Disabled Woman's Care Given to Lesbian Partner
After a seven-year legal battle that became a rallying cause for gay rights groups, a Minnesota appeals court yesterday granted guardianship of Sharon Kowalski, a 35-year-old woman left brain-damaged and quadriplegic in a 1983 car accident, to her lesbian lover. "This seems to be the first guardianship case in the nation in which an appeals court recognized a homosexual partner's rights as tantamount to those of a spouse," said M. Sue Wilson, the lawyer for Ms. Kowalski's lover, Karen Thompson.

Remember Sharon Kowalski and Karen Thompson: 

After a seven-year legal battle that became a rallying cause for gay rights groups, a Minnesota appeals court yesterday granted guardianship of Sharon Kowalski, a 35-year-old woman left brain-damaged and quadriplegic in a 1983 car accident, to her lesbian lover. ‘This seems to be the first guardianship case in the nation in which an appeals court recognized a homosexual partner’s rights as tantamount to those of a spouse,’ said M. Sue Wilson, the lawyer for Ms. Kowalski’s lover, Karen Thompson.

This case was HUGE in calling attention to the need for legal safeguards for gay and lesbian relationships and thus helping set the stage for the struggle for marriage equality. 

stupostals  asked:

Do you know much about Svoboda? Western Media seems to be avoiding the issue of this extremist party which holds 36 seats in the Ukrainian parliament. I even heard Anne Applebaum sidestep this issue in an interview the other day. What are your thoughts?

Svoboda is absolutely terrible. Party leaders and members are blatantly pro-Nazi but unsurprisingly they deny any charges of extremism, racism, anti-Semitism, etc., despite their own platform strongly indicating otherwise. Their typical line is that they’re pro-Ukrainian and not anti-anyone else, as if their love of Ukraine can somehow eclipse their rabid hatred of those they perceive to be outsiders, which is actually a very common “defense” in neo-Nazi and white nationalist circles. I really don’t know why some people in the media are so reluctant to acknowledge the support that Svoboda has in Ukraine but the western media doesn’t seem very interested in covering just how complicated the situation really is. Currently they seem most interested in promoting the idea that the Russian occupation of Crimea will result in another Cold War or, better yet, WWIII.

-“In its official programme, Svoboda demands criminal prosecution for “Ukrainophobia”, and also various regulatory measures which are oriented to a greater or lesser extent towards the principle of national identity:

  • the restoration of the Soviet practice of indicating nationality in passports and on birth certificates;
  • proportional representation on executive bodies of ethnic Ukrainians, on the one hand, and national minorities, on the other;
  • a ban on adoptions by non-Ukrainians of Ukrainian children;
  • preferential treatment for Ukrainian students in the allocation of hostel places, and a series of similar changes to existing legal provisions.

Measures such as these are in themselves nothing out of the ordinary, but if they were all introduced at once, they could result in officially sanctioned ethnic differentiations that may eventually lead to the stigmatization of Ukrainian citizens of various nationalities, and guests of Ukraine. This would violate the principles of human rights to which Ukraine signed up when it joined the Council of Europe, and would aggravate existing ethnic conflicts in Ukrainian society. What is more, Svoboda announces in its programme that it is both possible and necessary to make Ukraine the “geopolitical centre of Europe” – a typically nationalist case of delusions of grandeur, reminiscent of Russia’s current superpower ambitions.” (x)

-“Svoboda’s presence has been felt immediately in Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, where its 37 deputies belong to a broad coalition opposing President Viktor Yanukovych’s Party of Regions.

Meeting for its first two sessions in mid-December, the Rada - as it has a number of times in the past - degenerated into scenes that resembled not so much a legislative process as an ice hockey brawl, involving dozens of shoving, punching and kicking parliamentarians. Svoboda’s newly installed deputies, clad in traditional Ukrainian embroidered shirts, were in the thick of the melee, when not actually leading the charge.

They helped attack and drive from the opposition’s ranks two deputies - a father and son - who were accused of preparing to defect to the ruling party. Then they joined a massive free-for-all around the speaker’s rostrum, in protest at alleged illegal absentee-voting by deputies from the governing party. One of Svoboda’s leading members, sports journalist Ihor Miroshnychenko, his ponytail flying behind him, then charged the podium to prevent a deputy speaking in Russian. (Svoboda believes that only Ukrainian should be used in all official bodies.) Outside, Svoboda deputies used a chainsaw to cut down an iron fence erected last year to prevent crowds from storming the parliament building. This they justified in the name of popular democracy. “No other democratic country has fenced-off the national parliament,” said Svoboda’s Ruslan Koshulinskiy, the deputy speaker of parliament. “People have chosen these lawmakers and should have a right to have access to them.” Chaotic and confrontational as this may seem to Western eyes, Svoboda’s over-the-top behaviour is partly what drove many Ukrainians to vote for them.

The party has tapped a vast reservoir of protest votes. In a political landscape where all other parties are seen as corrupt, weak or anti-democratic - or all three - Svoboda seems to have attracted voters who would otherwise have stayed away from the polls altogether. Its strong anti-corruption stance - promising to “clean up” Ukraine - has resonated deeply. “I’m for Svoboda,” said Vadim Makarevych, a supporter, said at a recent rally in Kiev. “We have to stop what is happening in our country. It’s banditry and mafia.”

At the same time, they have staked out a position as fervent - some say rabid - defenders of traditional Ukrainian culture and language. Months before Miroshnychenko charged the parliament podium, Svoboda activists were photographed appearing to spray police with pepper gas, at a demonstration against a law making Russian an official language in some regions of the country. Among those who see Russia as a threat to Ukraine’s independence - chiefly in the west rather than the east of the country - many applaud this tough anti-Moscow stance. But in the run-up to October’s election, the party also wooed centrist voters by softening its image.

Party leader Oleh Tyahnybok repeatedly reassured voters that Svoboda is not racist, xenophobic or anti-Semitic - just pro-Ukrainian. “We are not against anyone, we are for ourselves,” he said. By presenting itself as a party of very devoted patriots, Svoboda seems to have won over voters who would be repelled by some of its more radical views - or voters who sympathise with these views, but prefer them to remain unspoken.

In the last parliamentary elections five years ago, Svoboda managed only 0.7% of the vote. This time, in addition to expanding its traditional base in the country’s Ukrainian-speaking west - it won close to 40% in the Lviv region - Svoboda made inroads into central regions, capturing second place in the capital Kiev. Last week (20/12/12) the charismatic Tyahnybok was voted Person of the Year by readers of the country’s leading news magazine, Korrespondent.

But while the party’s radical past can be papered over, it cannot be erased. Its name until 2004 was the “Social-National Party” and it maintains informal links to another group, the Patriots of Ukraine, regarded by some as proto-fascist. In 2004, Tyahnybok was kicked out of former President Viktor Yushchenko’s parliamentary faction for a speech calling for Ukrainians to fight against a “Muscovite-Jewish mafia” - using two highly insulting words to describe Russians and Jews - and emphasising that Ukrainians had in the past fought this threat with arms.

In 2005, he signed an open letter to Ukrainian leaders, including President Yushchenko, calling for the government to halt the “criminal activities” of “organised Jewry”, which, the letter said, was spreading its influence in the country through conspiratorial organisations as the Anti-Defamation League - and which ultimately wanted to commit “genocide” against the Ukrainian people.

Tyahnybok stresses that he has never been convicted for anti-Semitism or racial hatred, though prosecutors opened a case against him after his 2004 speech. “All I said then, I can also repeat now,” he says. “Moreover, this speech is relevant even today.”

Other Svoboda members have also courted controversy. Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn, a parliamentary deputy considered one of the party’s ideologues, liberally quotes from former Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, along with other National-Socialist leaders.

This undoubtedly appeals to a number of Svoboda’s voters, though to what extent is difficult to determine. Even now, Svoboda’s platform calls for passports to specify the holder’s ethnicity, and for government positions to be distributed proportionally to ethnic groups, based on their representation in the population at large. “We want Ukrainians to run the country,” says Bohdan, a participant in a recent Svoboda rally, as he waves a Ukrainian flag and organises cheering and chanting. “Seventy percent of the parliament are Jews.”

Some see signs that Svoboda’s radical elements are reasserting themselves. Activists recently attacked and sprayed tear gas at a gay rights rally in central Kiev. Ihor Miroshnychenko, meanwhile, used abusive language to describe the Ukrainian-born American actress Mila Kunis, who is Jewish, in an online discussion.

However, a number of Svoboda’s critics, while underscoring the potential dangers of the party’s rise, also say that its popularity may be fleeting. Svoboda’s surge mirrors the far-right’s growing strength in many countries across Europe, they point out, and may not signal any fundamental, long-term rightward shift among the Ukrainian population. With the increased scrutiny that the party will come under in parliament, more Ukrainians may also take objection to Svoboda’s wilder statements, or decide it creates unnecessary divisions in an already polarised country. The party itself could also become more mainstream as it conforms to pressure from its political partners. This has happened with other far-right groups in the past, like the Italian Fascist party, which mellowed as it integrated into Italy’s conservative camp, experts say. “There’s a belief that Svoboda will change, once in the Verkhovna Rada, and that they may become proper national democrats,” says Andreas Umland, a political science professor at Kiev’s Mohyla Academy University. But he hesitates to predict how the party’s internal tensions will be resolved. “We don’t know which way Svoboda will go,” he says. “It may actually become more radical.” (x)

The Open Letter signed by Tyahnybok (2005)

  • Title - Stop the Criminal Activities of Organised Jewry
  • Signed by Tyahnybok and 17 others
  • Lists Jewish businessmen, who got rich in the 1990s, and claims they control Ukrainian media
  • Describes Zionism as “Jewish Nazism” and warns of “genocide” through the impoverishment of Ukrainians
  • Demands investigation into the activities of Jewish organisations headed by people “suspected of serious crimes” (x)

More on Svoboda:

-The Right Wing’s Role in Ukrainian Protests (x)

-Svoboda: The Rising Spectre Of Neo-Nazism In The Ukraine (x)

-Ukraine’s nationalist party embraces Nazi ideology (x)

-Ukraine’s Ultranationalists Show Surprising Strength at Polls (x)

-Svoboda’s rise inspires some, frightens many others (x)

-The Ukrainian Nationalism at the Heart of ‘Euromaidan’(x)

-A Fascist Hero in Democratic Kiev (x)

-UPA: Controversial partisans who inspire Ukraine protestors (x)

-Anti-Semitism rears its ugly head in PR war over protests (x)