radical at best

Okay this is something I’ve wanted to say for a while but like

Yes, there is a privilege involved in saying that like you’re a better leftist if you “do things”. Not everyone can go to marches, work in soup kitchens, unionize, etc.

But I’m kind of tired of people making themselves out to be the best radicals ever because they write stuff online and meanwhile they’ve gone to one or two marches

On the Accelerationist Manifesto: 

- Today’s politics → beset by an inability to generate the new ideas and modes of organisation necessary to transform our societies to confront and resolve the coming annihilations. While crisis gathers force and speed, politics withers and retreats…

- 30 years of neoliberalism: rendered most left-leaning political parties hollowed out of radical thought. At best, they respond to our present crises with calls for a return to Keynesian economics, in spite of evidence that the very conditions which enabled post-war social democracy to occur no longer exist.

- The new emergent social movements have been unable to devise new political ideological visions: instead they expend considerable energy on internal direct-democratic process and affective self-valorisation over strategic efficacy. They propound a variant of neo-primitivist localism, as if to oppose the abstract violence of globalised capital with the flimsy and ephemeral “authenticity” of communal immediacy.

- In the absence of a radically new vision, the hegemonic powers of the right will continue to be able to push forward their narrow-minded imaginary, in the face of any and all evidence. To generate a new left global hegemony entails a recovery of lost possible futures, and the recovery of the future as such.

- Capitalism → associated with ideas of acceleration. The essential metabolism of capitalism demands economic growth, with competition between individual capitalist entities setting in motion increasing technological developments in an attempt to achieve competitive advantage. In its neoliberal form, its ideological self-presentation is one of liberating the forces of creative destruction, setting free ever-accelerating technological and social innovations.

- However neoliberalism confuses speed with acceleration. We may be moving fast, but only within a strictly defined set of capitalist parameters that themselves never waver. We experience only the increasing speed of a local horizon, a simple brain-dead onrush rather than an acceleration which is also navigational, an experimental process of discovery within a universal space of possibility. It is the latter mode of acceleration which is essential.

- It is a severe misrepresentation that left politics as antithetical to technosocial acceleration. If the political left is to have a future it must be one in which it maximally embraces this suppressed accelerationist tendency.

- For all its exploitation / corruption, capitalism remains the most advanced economic system to date. Its gains are not to be reversed, but accelerated beyond the constraints the capitalist value form. An accelerationist politics hence seeks to preserve the gains of late capitalism while going further than its value system, governance structures, and mass pathologies will allow.

- Capitalism has begun to constrain the productive forces of technology, or at least direct them towards needlessly narrow ends (patent wars, idea monopolisation… are contemporary phenomena that point to capital’s need to move beyond competition and its increasingly retrograde approach to technology). Rather than a world of space travel, future shock, and revolutionary technological potential, we exist in a time where the only thing which develops is marginally better consumer gadgetry. Relentless iterations of the same basic product sustain marginal consumer demand at the expense of human acceleration.

- Accelerationists want to unleash latent productive forces. The material platform of neoliberalism does not need to be destroyed, but repurposed towards common ends. The existing infrastructure is not a capitalist stage to be smashed, but a springboard to launch towards post-capitalism.

- Any post-capitalism will require post-capitalist planning. The faith placed in the idea that after a revolution people will spontaneously constitute a novel socioeconomic system that isn’t simply a return to capitalism is naïve and ignorant. We must develop both a cognitive map of the existing system and a speculative image of the future economic system.

- The left must develop sociotechnical hegemony: both in the sphere of ideas, and in the sphere of material platforms. Platforms are the infrastructure of global society. While much of the current global platform is biased towards capitalist social relations, this is not an inevitable necessity. These material platforms of production, finance, logistics, and consumption can and will be reprogrammed and reformatted towards post-capitalist ends.

- “Direct action” is insufficient to achieve any of this: the habitual tactics of marching, holding signs, and establishing temporary autonomous zones risk becoming comforting substitutes for effective success. We must be done with fetishising particular modes of action:

Politics must be treated as a set of dynamic systems, riven with conflict, adaptations and counter-adaptations, and strategic arms races. This means that each individual type of political action becomes blunted and ineffective over time as the other sides adapt. No given mode of political action is historically inviolable. Over time, there is an increasing need to discard familiar tactics as the forces and entities marshalled against learn to defend and counter-attack them effectively. It is in part the contemporary left’s inability to do so which lies close to the heart of the contemporary malaise.

- The overwhelming privileging of “democracy-as-process” needs to be left behind: the fetishisation of openness, horizontality, and inclusion of much of today’s ‘radical’ left set the stage for ineffectiveness. Secrecy, verticality, and exclusion all have their place as well in effective political action.

- Democracy: cannot be defined simply by its means (via voting, discussion, or general assemblies) → must be defined by its goal: collective self-mastery.

- The problems besetting our planet and our species oblige us to refurbish mastery in a newly complex guise; whilst we cannot predict the precise result of our actions, we can determine probabilistically likely ranges of outcomes. What must be coupled to such complex systems analysis is a new form of action: improvisatory and capable of executing a design through a practice which works with the contingencies it discovers only in the course of its acting. A new form of abductive experimentation that seeks the best means to act in a complex world.

- Capitalism is a system that holds back progress. Our technological development is being suppressed by capitalism, as much as it has been unleashed. Accelerationism is the basic belief that these capacities can and should be let loose by moving beyond the limitations imposed by capitalist society.

- Therefore movement towards a surpassing of our current constraints must include more than simply a struggle for a more rational global society → it must also include recovering the dreams which transfixed many from the middle of the Nineteenth Century until the dawn of the neoliberal era, such as the quest of Homo Sapiens towards expansion beyond the limitations of the earth and our immediate bodily forms. These visions are today viewed as relics of a more innocent moment. Yet they both diagnose the staggering lack of imagination in our own time, and offer the promise of a future that is affectively invigorating, as well as intellectually energising.

- What accelerationism pushes towards is a future that is more modern: an alternative modernity that neoliberalism is inherently unable to generate.

Risk of radicalization low in Quebec CEGEPs, survey finds

The risk of violent radicalization among Quebec youth remains “very weak,” while incidents of racism and hate speech remain common, according to a new survey of CEGEP students.

The online questionnaire, released Tuesday by the Quebec research group SHERPA in conjunction with the federation of CEGEPs, looked at the factors that can lead to radicalization and the best ways to prevent it.

​It found that people who aren’t from religious backgrounds, as well as students who are at least second-generation immigrants, are more likely to be radicalized than religious people or those who are first-generation immigrants.

Here are some of the other key findings:

- Men aged 25 and younger are most susceptible to radicalization.

- People who have had difficult lives or lived through traumatic events, including family violence, are subject to radicalization.

- Religion is seen as one factor that keeps people from supporting violent radicalization. However, if someone with a strong group identity also went through difficult life events, they could be more likely to radicalize.

- The report recommends training in understanding these factors for those working in education, health and social services.

The report also says programs that encourage inclusion, intercultural dialogue and a supportive environment could help prevent radicalization.

The research was led by Dr. Cécile Rousseau, a child psychiatrist and scientific director of the SHERPA group.

“Overall, support for violent radicalization is minimal at the Quebec college level,” said Rousseau.

She said that combat radicalization, SHERPA recommends improved psychological services in CEGEPs and health clinics.

The report was based on a questionnaire sent to students at eight CEGEPs. A total of 1,894 students responded to the survey and 1,241 completed all the questions.

The results of the voluntary survey present a portrait of radicalization at odds with some of the political rhetoric in the province.

New Parti Québécois chief Jean-François Lisée, for instance, said recently that “Islamic fundamentalism," is one of three major challenges facing Quebec, and the planet as a whole, along with inequality and global warming.

anonymous asked:

Those americans are dazzling with their fucking consent anyways. Started as a perfectly logic concept, now you can't even steal a kiss from your gf without it being "sexual assault". They're too radical. Wish ur couple the best.

It’s the direct result of a culture so fearful of everything and out of touch with their human instincts. I pity them. Thank you so much for the support, anon c:

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FL radical tumblr is the best formal organization of hardline orthodox communists i swear :^) FBI don’t arrest the president of our organization which is a real organization, we are all a part of this one organization, which is Tumblr. Don’t arrest the president of tumblr it would cripple revolutionary moral in the state of FL

emmieff  asked:

Please stay safe you are radical

i’ll try my best

a lot of the time bad things happen to me and its not my fault

i dont deserve this madness

thank you for the asks, again, and for the compliment

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Best Poetry 2015 — Goodreads Choice Awards
Discover the Best Poetry in the 2015 Goodreads Choice Awards, the only major book awards decided by readers.

I’ve been nominated for a Goodreads choice award!

This is very exciting for me. One of my core values as an author is to write poems that are clear, accessible, and beautiful. The respect of critics, while wonderful, is less important to me than being a source of joy and comfort for the reader. To be nominated for an award that is chosen by popular vote feels like a huge honor.

Please, if you like, vote and share. As always, your support of my work means the world to me. Thank you.

If young people on and outside this website want to get pumped about voting, let them. That’s cool. I’m excited for them too. Each of us was politicized at some point, and this election cycle may be their moment. The problem is when we let young people fall into the voting trap, the myth that the project of a radical new world is BEST sought through the ballot box when it’s just not. Voting becomes the apex of political engagement in a world where the narrow parameters of “resistance” are allowed to be defined and policed by the oppressing class, the class whose uproot and overthrow lie at the very foundation of our project. Herein lives a contradiction. We cannot expect to uproot that which every election cycle we give our tacit support to, that which we legitimize, and still expect to see progress toward an oppression-free world. Real push-back then means making clear that anti-oppression means also anti-statism, which means recognizing and illustrating how limited voting really is. It means challenging those politicized through the ballot box to move beyond it into political work like community organizing/coalition building, prison and police abolition, labor organizing, radical education, care work (mutual aid), divestment, decolonizing methodologies, and so much more. I want to be clear here about what it doesn’t mean: It doesn’t mean shamming, belittling, or hazing youth via social media because they see value in voting. That’s messed up. Go vote if you want, just don’t stop there.