michael denis

Thanks, Yuri on Ice.
  • Before Yuri On Ice: Yeah I mean I guess figure skating is pretty cool but idk much about it
  • After Yuri On Ice: Do you have a minute to talk about our Lord and Savior Yuzuru Hanyu, who won Worlds 2017 and broke his own world record for highest Free Skate score? Do you have another minute to talk about our Queen and fellow anime otaku Evgenia Medvedeva, who also won Worlds 2017 and also broke her own world record for highest Free Skate score? Do you have another minute to talk about our Quad Bae Nathan Chen, who attempted six (6) quads in his Free Skate at Worlds 2017 and is the first person to ever land five (5) successful quads? Do you have an additional hour to talk about Jason Brown, Javier Fernández, Boyang Jin, Patrick Chan, Shoma Uno, Denis Ten, Michael Christian Martinez, Misha Ge, Deniss Vasiljevs, Oda Nobunari, Karen Chen, Mirai Nagasu, Ashley Wagner, Johnny Weir, Maia and Alex Shibutani, Tessa Virtue and Scott Moir, Joe Johnson, Adam Rippon, Stéphane Lambiel-

anonymous asked:

I'm sorry,,,but STOP. YURI ON ICE DOESN'T DESERVE ALL ITS AWARDS ITS A SHITTY SHOW FOR FANGIRLS TO NOSBLEED ABOUT HOT YAOIZ!!!!1! literally the only reason it won b/c of all of its fujoshis and ur just one of them,,,

I don’t know about you, buddy, but unless you know, this anime was basically given a low-ass budget, had to go through hell to get greenlit, and then got popular.
Part of the reason is the healthy, beautiful, and consensual same-sex relationship (which, by the way, is not yaoi), and other reasons include the beautifully orchestrated OST, the non-stereotyped representation of POC, how the show humanizes every character in the end of just 12 episodes, the gender-fluidity of the characters. and how mental health is treated with actual respect. 
If you’re one of those fans who are yelling about how it won ‘best animation’, here’s some insight on how hard it was to animate (part of the reason why so many companies turned the idea down). 

22 skating programs. That’s already thousands and thousands of frames.  Given the lack of downtime in between competitions (episode 6 on must have been hell), the animators had to constantly be drawing these programs. Combine that with Yuri on Ice’s low budget and lack of time- of course it’s going to look a bit distorted. Yet it still managed to make the skating scenes presentable, and and even enjoyable, to the point where many ice skaters are able to recreate the choreography. Honestly, as someone who’s tried to animate,I can say that the animators really deserve some respect.
Should they have won? Maybe not. Did they? Yes. Should you go yell at a fan because of it? No and honey, you need to chill

You make it sound as if it’s only young females that watch this show. Like, it’s not as if a multitude of professional ice skaters such as Johnny Weir, Evgenia Mendvedva, Denis Ten, Michael Martinez, Stephane Lambiel, Deniss Vasiljevs, and Evgeni Plushenko and so many others have tweeted about it, some even spamming their followers about this anime. South Park referenced Yuri on Ice. The amount of men in places such as Indonesia and Malaysia, with a bit of a warped vision about homosexuality, stating that the show had opened their eyes and made same sex love look not so taboo.
So, just fangirls now?

Maybe, the reason why Yuri on Ice won was because of its way of drawing non-anime fans into appreciating anime because of its realism. Because it had an OST that was more than memorable. Because the POC were represented so well (especially with characters like Phichit, Otabek, Leo, etc.) and were normalized, instead of treated like stereotypes. Because it humanized every single character, like JJ, Chris, and especially Yurio. Because it allowed characters to explore their gender-fluidity (Viktor’s past, and Yuuri performing Eros). Because it didn’t shy away from mental health, with Yuuri and JJ’s panic attacks, and how the people around them did nothing but give their full love and support. Because it refused to ever make anyone look like a complete enemy, every skater had their own dreams, goals and hardships. Because when we’re presented with Yuuri and Viktor’s romance, we don’t just see them as two boys who want to get into each others’ pants. We see them as two people, people who developed a relationship through consent and talking their feelings with one another, and in turn, are now on their way to being married. Because two women had a dream, and even with a low budget, high expectations and a smaller studio, made it happen and people all over the world are more than ready to share it. 

Yuri on Ice’s Bluray and DVDs already sold 50,878 copies in the first week, and 0.5% of animes actually reach that kind of result. The OST is the third best selling CD and first best selling in digital sales in its first week. We’ve already topped more bestselling anime soundtracks than Viktor Nikiforov has records. 

For an anime ‘directed at fujoshis’

Originally posted by gameraboy

Early last August, an envelope with extraordinary handling restrictions arrived at the White House. Sent by courier from the CIA, it carried “eyes only” instructions that its contents be shown to just four people: President Barack Obama and three senior aides.

Inside was an intelligence bombshell, a report drawn from sourcing deep inside the Russian government that detailed Russian President Vladi­mir Putin’s direct involvement in a cyber campaign to disrupt and discredit the U.S. presidential race.

But it went further. The intelligence captured Putin’s specific instructions on the operation’s audacious objectives — defeat or at least damage the Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton, and help elect her opponent, Donald Trump.

At that point, the outlines of the Russian assault on the U.S. election were increasingly apparent. Hackers with ties to Russian intelligence services had been rummaging through Democratic Party computer networks, as well as some Republican systems, for more than a year. In July, the FBI had opened an investigation of contacts between Russian officials and Trump associates. And on July 22, nearly 20,000 emails stolen from the Democratic National Committee were dumped online by WikiLeaks.

But at the highest levels of government, among those responsible for managing the crisis, the first moment of true foreboding about Russia’s intentions arrived with that CIA intelligence.

The material was so sensitive that CIA Director John Brennan kept it out of the President’s Daily Brief, concerned that even that restricted report’s distribution was too broad. The CIA package came with instructions that it be returned immediately after it was read. To guard against leaks, subsequent meetings in the Situation Room followed the same protocols as planning sessions for the Osama bin Laden raid.

It took time for other parts of the intelligence community to endorse the CIA’s view. Only in the administration’s final weeks in office did it tell the public, in a declassified report, what officials had learned from Brennan in August — that Putin was working to elect Trump.

[Putin ‘ordered’ effort to undermine faith in U.S. election and help Trump, report says]

Over that five-month interval, the Obama administration secretly debated dozens of options for deterring or punishing Russia, including cyberattacks on Russian infrastructure, the release of CIA-gathered material that might embarrass Putin and sanctions that officials said could “crater” the Russian economy.

But in the end, in late December, Obama approved a modest package combining measures that had been drawn up to punish Russia for other issues — expulsions of 35 diplomats and the closure of two Russian compounds — with economic sanctions so narrowly targeted that even those who helped design them describe their impact as largely symbolic.

Obama also approved a previously undisclosed covert measure that authorized planting cyber weapons in Russia’s infrastructure, the digital equivalent of bombs that could be detonated if the United States found itself in an escalating exchange with Moscow. The project, which Obama approved in a covert-action finding, was still in its planning stages when Obama left office. It would be up to President Trump to decide whether to use the capability.

In political terms, Russia’s interference was the crime of the century, an unprecedented and largely successful destabilizing attack on American democracy. It was a case that took almost no time to solve, traced to the Kremlin through cyber-forensics and intelligence on Putin’s involvement. And yet, because of the divergent ways Obama and Trump have handled the matter, Moscow appears unlikely to face proportionate consequences.

Those closest to Obama defend the administration’s response to Russia’s meddling. They note that by August it was too late to prevent the transfer to WikiLeaks and other groups of the troves of emails that would spill out in the ensuing months. They believe that a series of warnings — including one that Obama delivered to Putin in September — prompted Moscow to abandon any plans of further aggression, such as sabotage of U.S. voting systems.


Denis McDonough, who served as Obama’s chief of staff, said that the administration regarded Russia’s interference as an attack on the “heart of our system.”

“We set out from a first-order principle that required us to defend the integrity of the vote,” McDonough said in an interview. “Importantly, we did that. It’s also important to establish what happened and what they attempted to do so as to ensure that we take the steps necessary to stop it from happening again.”

But other administration officials look back on the Russia period with remorse.

“It is the hardest thing about my entire time in government to defend,” said a former senior Obama administration official involved in White House deliberations on Russia. “I feel like we sort of choked.”

The post-election period has been dominated by the overlapping investigations into whether Trump associates colluded with Russia before the election and whether the president sought to obstruct the FBI probe afterward. That spectacle has obscured the magnitude of Moscow’s attempt to hijack a precious and now vulnerable-seeming American democratic process.

Beset by allegations of hidden ties between his campaign and Russia, Trump has shown no inclination to revisit the matter and has denied any collusion or obstruction on his part. As a result, the expulsions and modest sanctions announced by Obama on Dec. 29 continue to stand as the United States’ most forceful response.

“The punishment did not fit the crime,” said Michael McFaul, who served as U.S. ambassador to Russia for the Obama administration from 2012 to 2014. “Russia violated our sovereignty, meddling in one of our most sacred acts as a democracy — electing our president. The Kremlin should have paid a much higher price for that attack. And U.S. policymakers now — both in the White House and Congress — should consider new actions to deter future Russian interventions.”

The Senate this month passed a bill that would impose additional election- and Ukraine-related sanctions on Moscow and limit Trump’s ability to lift them. The measure requires House approval, however, and Trump’s signature.

This account of the Obama administration’s response to Russia’s interference is based on interviews with more than three dozen current and former U.S. officials in senior positions in government, including at the White House, the State, Defense and Homeland Security departments, and U.S. intelligence services. Most agreed to speak only on the condition of anonymity, citing the sensitivity of the issue.

The White House, the CIA, the FBI, the National Security Agency and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence declined to comment.

[…]

The secrecy extended into the White House.
Susan Rice, Avril Haines and White House homeland-security adviser Lisa Monaco convened meetings in the Situation Room to weigh the mounting evidence of Russian interference and generate options for how to respond. At first, only four senior security officials were allowed to attend: Brennan, Clapper, Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch and FBI Director James B. Comey. Aides ordinarily allowed entry as “plus-ones” were barred.

Gradually, the circle widened to include Vice President Biden and others. Agendas sent to Cabinet secretaries — including John F. Kerry at the State Department and Ashton B. Carter at the Pentagon — arrived in envelopes that subordinates were not supposed to open. Sometimes the agendas were withheld until participants had taken their seats in the Situation Room.

Throughout his presidency, Obama’s approach to national security challenges was deliberate and cautious. He came into office seeking to end wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He was loath to act without support from allies overseas and firm political footing at home. He was drawn only reluctantly into foreign crises, such as the civil war in Syria, that presented no clear exit for the United States.

Obama’s approach often seemed reducible to a single imperative: Don’t make things worse. As brazen as the Russian attacks on the election seemed, Obama and his top advisers feared that things could get far worse.

They were concerned that any pre-election response could provoke an escalation from Putin. Moscow’s meddling to that point was seen as deeply concerning but unlikely to materially affect the outcome of the election. Far more worrisome to the Obama team was the prospect of a cyber-assault on voting systems before and on Election Day.

They also worried that any action they took would be perceived as political interference in an already volatile campaign. By August, Trump was predicting that the election would be rigged. Obama officials feared providing fuel to such claims, playing into Russia’s efforts to discredit the outcome and potentially contaminating the expected Clinton triumph.

Before departing for an August vacation to Martha’s Vineyard, Obama instructed aides to pursue ways to deter Moscow and proceed along three main paths: Get a high-confidence assessment from U.S. intelligence agencies on Russia’s role and intent; shore up any vulnerabilities in state-run election systems; and seek bipartisan support from congressional leaders for a statement condemning Moscow and urging states to accept federal help.

— 

Greg Miller, Ellen Nakashima, and Adam Entous at The Washington Post on former President Obama’s attempts to punish Russia for its role in meddling in the 2016 elections (06.23.2017)

In an envelope from the CIA shown to just former President Obama and 3 other aides of his in August 2016, the letter revealed that Putin had a gameplan: defeat (or least severely weaken) Hillary and elect Trump as the 45th President.


See Also: Washington Post: The Post’s new findings in Russia’s bold campaign to influence the U.S. election

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