Arizona’s law banning Mexican-American studies curriculum is constitutional, judge rules March 11, 2013
A court upheld most provisions of an Arizona state law used to prohibit a controversial Mexican-American Studies curriculum in Tucson on Friday.
The ruling dealt a blow to supporters of the suspended classes, who had hoped the courts would overturn a 2010 law championed by Arizona conservatives determined to shut down the unconventional courses.
“I was really surprised at the decision,” Jose Gonzalez, a former teacher of Tucson’s suspended Mexican-American Studies classes, told The Huffington Post. “But as a student and teacher of history, I know in civil rights cases like this there’s always setbacks.”
But conservative opponents accused the teachers of encouraging students to adopt left-wing ideas and resent white people, a charge the teachers deny. Aiming squarely at Tucson’s Mexican-American Studies program, the Arizona legislature passed HB 2281 – a law banning courses that promote the overthrow of the U.S. government, foster racial resentment, are designed for students of a particular ethnic group or that advocate ethnic solidarity.
The news wasn’t all bad for supporters of the suspended classes. Tashima ruled that the section of the law prohibiting courses tailored to serve students of a particular ethnicity was unconstitutional.
Originally filed in October of 2010 on behalf of the program’s former teachers, who lost standing because they are public employees, the case is currently brought by former Mexican-American Studies student Nicholas Dominguez and his mother Margarita Dominguez. They will likely appeal the ruling to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals within the next 30 days, their lawyer Richard Martinez told The Huffington Post.
“This case is not over,” Martinez said. “It’s not only important to Arizona, but to the country as a whole that this statute be addressed.”
Arizona Attorney General Tom Horne began a campaign to eliminate the Mexican-American Studies program from Tucson Unified School District in 2006, when he was serving as the state’s Superintendent of Public Education.
“As superintendent of schools, I have visited over 1,000 schools and I’ve never seen students be disrespectful to a teacher in that way,” Horne said in an interview last year.
The final product of his efforts was House Bill 2281, which then-State Sen. John Huppenthal ® helped pilot through the Arizona legislature. Huppenthal, who succeeded Horne as state superintendent of schools, then found Tucson out of compliance with the new law and ordered the district to shut Mexican-American Studies down or lose 10 percent of its annual funding – some $14 million over the fiscal year. In January of 2012, the school board complied, voting 4 to 1 to discontinue the classes.
Tashima wrote in Friday’s ruling that Horne’s anti-Mexican-American Studies zeal bordered on discrimination.
“This single-minded focus on terminating the MAS (Mexican-American Studies) program, along with Horne’s decision not to issue findings against other ethnic studies programs, is at least suggestive of discriminatory intent,” Tashima wrote.
But the federal judge stopped short of invalidating the law on those grounds.
“Although some aspects of the record may be viewed to spark suspicion that the Latino population has been improperly targeted, on the whole, the evidence indicates that Defendants targeted the MAS program, not Latino students, teachers or community members who participated in the program,” the judge wrote in the ruling.
Not everyone agrees.
Writer and activist Tony Diaz – who along with independent journalist Liana Lopez and multimedia artist Bryan Parras launched a “librotraficante” caravan to “smuggle” books banned from Tucson classrooms into Arizona – said the court had “failed our youth, our culture and freedom of speech” by upholding the Arizona ethnic studies law.
“But we remain inspired by the youth of Tucson, the teachers, the families, the activists who will appeal this unjust ruling and continue the struggle to the Supreme Court,” Diaz said.
Source Photo: Save Ethnic Studies by Julio Salgado
Saturday is the celebration of my paternal aunt’s 50th wedding anniversary! Here is a photo of her as a small child in San Antonio with her maternal cousin. Photo is captioned: Maria Teresa Peralta and Anthony Robledo 4/26/1942.
This nylon jacket belonged to Cesar Chavez, a civil rights, Latino and farm labor leader who in 1962 founded the United Farm Workers (UFW) union, the first effective union of farm workers in the United States. As founder and president of the UFW, Chavez brought to light the plight of farm laborers through community organizing, marches, boycotts and fasts.
A migrant worker during his childhood, Chavez pledged his life to improving the stark conditions of farm labor. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., he practiced the principles of self-sacrifice and nonviolent resistance while seeking justice for the poorest of America’s laborers.
Through his compassion and humble leadership, Chavez inspired millions of Americans to fight for social justice. His birthday, March 31, is an official holiday in 10 states. In 1994, he was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor, by President Bill Clinton.
Chavez’s legacy will be featured in the exhibition, “American Enterprise,” which opens July 1, 2015 at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History.
Rudy Martinez: The Beginning of the Latino Impact in World War II
On December 7, 1941, the date that President Franklin D. Roosevelt said would “live in infamy,” the Imperial Japanese navy launched a surprise attack on the U.S. military base at Pear Harbor, Hawaii.
Rudy (Rudolph M.) Martinez was a young sailor who had just left his family in San Diego to begin his duties as a sailor in the U.S. Navy in Pearl Harbor. On the morning of the attack, the 21-year-old Navy electrician mate 3rd class was aboard the USS Utah when the battleship was hit by two Japanese torpedoes.
A Mexican American, Martinez officially became the first Hispanic to be killed in World War II. His final letter written home asked for a photo of his mother. Martinez’s death marked the beginning of the surge of Latino military service in World War II.
About half a million Latinos served during World War II. Gen. Douglas MacArthur called the Arizona National Guard’s 158th Infantry Regiment, known as “Bushmasters,” “one of the greatest fighting combat teams ever deployed for battle.” The regiment was composed of many Latino soldiers.
Martinez was awarded the Purple Heart and World War II Victory medal posthumously. Since then, more than 400 Latinos have received the Medal of Honor, the nation’s highest military decoration.
“Eunique Jones Gibson — photographer and creator of the non-profit organization Because of Them, We Can — has launched a new art campaign called Por Ellos, Si Podemos to send a positive message to kids by highlighting influential Latinos in history.
”Most of the time when I hear about Latinos on television or even online, they’re negative stories…but very few about the positive impact and contributions that Latinos have had,“ Gibson tells Mashable. By turning her camera on these well-known Latino leaders, Gibson hopes to send a positive message to counter the dozens of negative ones children consume on a daily basis.”
For this President’s Day in the United States, we’re honoring the first black president in the Americas. No, not Obama – this guy was Vicente Ramón Guerrero Saldaña, the first black and indigenous president of Mexico. Known as the George Washington and the Abraham Lincoln of Mexico, Guerrero was a leading general in the Mexican War for Independence, and abolished slavery in 1829, forty years before Lincoln would do the same. Not only that, but he came from the “las clases populares” aka the working classes of Mexico, and rose from there to become one of the most influential leaders in Mexican history.
Believe it or not, there was a period of time, in the 1930s, when immigrants were blamed for economic woes and were fed into a deportation pipeline. When this group of fifth graders learned about this history, they drew parallels to their own family’s deportation sagas. With the help of their teacher, these fifth graders ensured that all Californians learned about this history, so that it wouldn’t be repeated.
As part of its project to document the history of Iowa Latinas and their families, the Iowa Women’s Archives preserves and makes accessible the records of the LULAC (League of United Latin American Citizens) Council 10 of Davenport, Iowa.
Mexicans arrived in Iowa as early as the 1880s, and by the 1920s boxcar communities had grown up near railroad yards in towns such as Fort Madison, Davenport, and Bettendorf. During the mid-20th century, second- and third-generation Mexican Americans fought for civil rights through organizations such as Davenport’s LULAC Council 10, founded in 1959 and still going strong today.
Pictured here is a LULAC Christmas party from the early 1960s, showing a blend of traditional activities such as pinata games alongside an early example of what has become an internet phenomenon – the “Scared of Santa” photo.
Here’s who to thank for color television (submitted by Cat Machine):
Guillermo González Camarena (February 17, 1917 – April 18, 1965), was a Mexican engineer who was the inventor of a color-wheel type of color television, and who also introduced color television to Mexico.
Born in Guadalajara in 1917, his family moved to Mexico City when Guillermo was almost 2 years old. As a boy he made electrically propelled toys, and at the age of twelve built his first Amateur radio.
González Camarena was born into a family composed by Arturo González and Sara Camarena, originally from Arandas, Jalisco. One of his older brothers Jorge(1908–1980), was a prominent painter, muralist and sculptor.
In 1930 he graduated from the School of Mechanical and Electrical Engineers (ESIME) at the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN); he obtained his first radio license two years laters.
He was also an avid stargazer; he built his own telescope and became a regular member of the Astronomical Society of Mexico.
González Camarena invented the “Chromoscopic adapter for television equipment”, an early color television transmission system. He was only 17. A U.S. patent application (2,296,019) states:
“My invention relates to the transmission and reception of colored pictures or images by wire or wireless…”
The invention was designed to be easy to adapt to black-and-white television equipment. González Camarena applied for this patent August 14, 1941 and obtained the patent September 15, 1942. He also filed for additional patents for color television systems in 1960 and 1962.
On August 31, 1946, González Camarena sent his first color transmission from his lab in the offices of The Mexican League of Radio Experiments, at Lucerna St. #1, in Mexico City. The video signal was transmitted at a frequency of 115 MHz. and the audio in the 40 meter band.
He obtained authorization to make the first publicly-announced color broadcast in Mexico, on February 8, 1963, Paraíso Infantil, on Mexico City's XHGC-TV, a station that he established in 1952. By that time, the government had adopted NTSC as the television color system.
A field-sequential color television system similar to his Tricolor system was used in NASA’s Voyager mission in 1979, to take pictures and video of Jupiter.
In 1995, a Mexican science research and technology group created La Fundación Guillermo González Camarena (The Guillermo González Camarena Foundation), which benefits creative and talented inventors in Mexico.
Source: Wikipedia (visit their link for more info)
Harvest of Empire: The Untold Story of Latinos in America
“We are all Americans of the New World, and our most dangerous enemies are not each other, but the great wall of ignorance between us.”
Juan González, Harvest of Empire
At a time of heated and divisive debate over immigration, Onyx Films is proud to present Harvest of Empire, a feature-length documentary that reveals the direct connection between the long history of U.S. intervention in Latin America and the immigration crisis we face today.
Based on the groundbreaking book by award-winning journalist and Democracy Now! Co-host Juan González, Harvest of Empire takes an unflinching look at the role that U.S. economic and military interests played in triggering an unprecedented wave of migration that is transforming our nation’s cultural and economic landscape.
From the wars for territorial expansion that gave the U.S. control of Puerto Rico, Cuba and more than half of Mexico, to the covert operations that imposed oppressive military regimes in the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador, Harvest of Empire unveils a moving human story that is largely unknown to the great majority of citizens in the U.S. “They never teach us in school that the huge Latino presence here is a direct result of our own government’s actions in Mexico, the Caribbean and Central America over many decades — actions that forced millions from that region to leave their homeland and journey north,” says Juan González at the beginning of the film.
Harvest of Empire provides a rare and powerful glimpse into the enormous sacrifices and rarely-noted triumphs of our nation’s growing Latino community. The film features present day immigrant stories, rarely seen archival material, as well as interviews with such respected figures as Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Rigoberta Menchú, the Reverend Jesse Jackson, ACLU Executive Director Anthony Romero, Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Junot Díaz, Mexican historian Dr. Lorenzo Meyer, journalists Maria Hinojosa and Geraldo Rivera, Grammy award-winning singer Luis Enrique, and poet Martín Espada.
But did you also know: Almost 100 years ago, a group of Latinos armed themselves and turned the tables on the KKK using the Klan’s own tactics of threats and intimidation to run them out of town.
Longmont historian, Erminda Olivas Duncan (1941-2013), author of We Too, Came To Stay: A History of the Longmont Hispanic Community, said that sometime in the mid 1920s, there was a tense showdown in Longmont (just north of Denver in Boulder County). It was between the Boulder Klan and a large group of Latino men. Long simmering anger over a lynching of two Hispanic men from a bridge in 1919–and the nightly cross burnings–had finally boiled over.
Typically, the Klan’s rallies were held on the southeast corner of Third Avenue and Martin, which was then an open field. During one nighttime Klavern meeting, dozens of armed Latino men showed up to issue the Klan a warning: if any harm was done to anyone from their community, they would all be back to exact revenge. The spokesperson for the group was José Hilario Cortez, the informal head of Longmont’s Hispanic community, a person to whom Latinos turned for advice and help. It worked and the Klan turned tail.
According to newspaper reports, the KKK later printed its own obituary when it folded its doors in Boulder: “Boulder Klavern No. 3 officially died at the stroke of midnight, Thursday, July 23, 1925.”
Dolores Huerta was born in Dawson, New Mexico, and was raised by her mother (along with her two brothers) in Stockton, California, a major city in the state’s agriculturally productive San Joaquin Valley. Although her mother eventually became a hotel owner and a successful businesswoman, Huerta’s community was supported by low-wage migrant farm workers (like the family of Cesar Chavez), and so Huerta herself, inspired by her upbringing and her experience working as a teacher among impoverished students, became a community organizer and set out to “correct economic injustice”. In the 1950s Huerta worked with the Stockton chapter of the Community Service Organization, a group that focused on promoting political participation and empowerment among American immigrant groups, especially Mexican-Americans, and which came to be known as “a training ground for the first generation of Latino leaders”. Among these leaders was Huerta herself, and Cesar Chavez, whom she met while working with the CSO.
In 1960, she founded the Agricultural Workers Association (AWA), and in 1962 Huerta and Chavez founded a union called the National Farm Workers Association that would later merge with the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee to become the United Farm Workers of America, . Its principal aim was (and is) to organize farmworkers and, through non-violent methods, to “provide farm workers and other working people with the inspiration and tools to share in society’s bounty”. In 1965, the AWOC and NFWA organized the Delano grape strike in protest of the poor pay (90 cents an hour, on average) and poor working conditions of table grape growers; this strike was not resolved until 1970, but the activists successfully brought national attention to the plight of oft-overlooked farmworkers. Huerta was a co-founder of the UFW and one of its major spokespeople and organizers, but she also provided within the union a feminist voice; previously she had referred to feminism as a “middle-class phenomenon”, but later referred to herself as a “born-again feminist” - in addition to organizing farmworkers in pursuit of better pay and working conditions, Huerta also worked to get more women involved in the movement.
During her work as an activist, Huerta was arrested over twenty times. In 1988, she was beaten by the police in San Francisco during a peaceful protest against the policies of George H.W. Bush, and after this incident she began to focus on women’s rights advocacy. Since the 1990s, Huerta has received numerous honors and awards for her work, including the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award in 1998, honorary degrees from several institutions, and most recently the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the United States’ highest civilian award.
When we lived in the boxcars, we just ran like wild Indians… We used to play outside and use our own imagination… We used to make up our own games and make our own toys ‘cause we didn’t have toys. I remember I’ll never forget, I always wanted a doll. So I took two sticks and I nailed it like that and made a cross and I wrapped rags around it and I carried that… like it was a doll.
Then when my sister went to work, I think she went to work on a WPA [project] and she bought me a doll, a real doll.