This journalistic triumph, made possible by nameless government officials who risked their jobs and their freedom to get the truth out, is all the more satisfying because it came as a corrective after one of the sorriest episodes in modern journalism: the uncritical, unfiltered and unending coverage of Trump — particularly by cable news — that propelled him to the Republican nomination and onward to the presidency.
Honestly, the most important part of this, and the part that bears repeating is:
the sorriest episodes in modern journalism: the uncritical, unfiltered and unending coverage of Trump — particularly by cable news — that propelled him to the Republican nomination and onward to the presidency.
That shouldn’t be an afterthought at the end of this column. It should be the first paragraph of a fucking polemic that every journalist now and in the future is required to read.
what i mean: how fucking DARE they do that to Reid? he was only trying to help his sick mother who he cares DEEPLY about to risk his job and freedom for, and yet the send him to jail because they believe he has a risk of fleeing if granted bail? I WANT THAT JUDGE FIRED. and do not get me started on how the epsiode before this luke alvez so determinedly rescued his boyrfriend Reid from being put in jail in mexico, only for him and the rest of the team to watch him BE PUT IN HANDCUFFS AND TAKEN AWAY WITHOUT EVEN BEING ABLE TO SAY ONE WORD TO HIM. also, why has no one spoken to Morgan about this? Morgan would be by Reid's side through all of this if he was still with the team, and i know DAMN WELL Morgan's ass would have been called up Reid already if he knew about what was going on to talk to him and make sure he's alright. THOSE TWO WERE LIKE BROTHERS. and let me have a GO at this judge who soul heartedly believes that DRUGGED REID'S high speed chase with the police puts him at risk for fleeing, despite having no criminal record and being a fantastic agent at the bureau for 14 YEARS. this entire story arc is doing reid so WRONG
Like many other black women, I was conflicted about participating. That a group of white women had drawn clear inspiration from the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, yet failed to acknowledge the historical precedent, rubbed me the wrong way. Here they go again, I thought, adopting the work of black people while erasing us.
I’d had enough before it even began. 53% of white women who voted in the 2016 presidential election did so for a man who aims to move society backward. Were white women now having buyer’s remorse? Where were all of these white people while our people are being killed in the streets, jobless, homeless, over incarcerated, under educated? Are you committed to freedom for everyone, or just yourselves?
For weeks, I sat on the sidelines. I saw debates on list-serves about whether or not to attend the march, the shade on social media directed at the “white women’s march.” Unconvinced that white women would ever fight for the rights of all of us, many decided to sit the march out.
Yet as time went on and the reality of the incoming Donald Trump administration sank in, something began to gnaw at me. Do I believe that a mass movement is necessary to transform power in this country? Do I believe that this mass movement must be multi-racial and multi-class? Do I believe that to build that mass movement, organizing beyond the choir is necessary? If I believe all of these things, how do we get there and what’s my role in making it happen?
I decided to challenge myself to be a part of something that isn’t perfect, that doesn’t articulate my values the way that I do and still show up, clear in my commitment, open and vulnerable to people who are new in their activism. I can be critical of white women and, at the same time, seek out and join with women, white and of color, who are awakening to the fact that all lives do not, in fact, matter, without compromising my dignity, my safety and radical politics.
Sandwiched between other protesters like a sardine in a can, I spoke with demonstrators in the crowd who said this was their first time participating in a mass mobilization. I saw people for whom this wasn’t their first time at a demonstration, but who thought that the days of protesting for our rights was over. I asked them what brought them there. They said they wanted to stand up for all of us. They realized that they, too, were under attack. They wanted to live in a world where everyone was valued, safe and taken care of. They were in awe of just how many people were there, just like them, to oppose the values of President Donald Trump’s administration. They wanted to do something besides feel hopeless.
That evening, I participated in a town hall meeting that drew more than 700 people and had more than 1,100 on the waiting list. Those gathered were mostly white, though there were also people of color present. About half the room said that the Women’s March was the first time they’d participated in a mass mobilization. They were willing to learn about how change happens and how they could be involved. And that was just the beginning.
Checking my social media feed that evening, I read comment after comment dismissing the march — an experience that was transformative for hundreds of thousands of people. I wondered what would have happened if, instead of inviting people in, I’d told people to fuck off and go home. Would they come back? Did it matter if they didn’t?
Anger has an important place in transforming our political consciousness, and should be valued as such. The white lady with the pink, knitted “pussy” hat that came to the march was angry as hell when her future president talked about grabbing women by the pussy. Though she may have been sitting on the sidelines up until now, she decided that she was going to do something about it. Anger at the way America depends on immigrant labor yet forces undocumented immigrants to live in the shadows may lead them to join the movement. Black Americans mad as hell about the ways that this country strips us of our humanity might join the movement, even though they didn’t before.
I agree with Solange when she says, “I got a lot to be mad about, and I have a right to be mad.” But that anger is not enough. It is insufficient to build or take power. Anger will not change the fact that Republicans have taken control of all three branches of government and control both chambers of the legislature in 32 states. Anger will not stop vigilantes from terrorizing our communities, and anger will not change an economy that deems too many of us as disposable.
More than a moral question, it is a practical one. Can we build a movement of millions with the people who may not grasp our black, queer, feminist, intersectional, anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist ideology but know that we deserve a better life and who are willing to fight for it and win?
If there was ever a time to activate our organizer super powers, this is it. I’m not going to argue that black people or other people of color need to stop holding white people accountable. White people are not going anywhere, but neither are we if we don’t start to think and do differently.
Hundreds of thousands of people are trying to figure out what it means to join a movement. If we demonstrate that to be a part of a movement, you must believe that people cannot change, that transformation is not possible, that it’s more important to be right than to be connected and interdependent, we will not win.
If our movement is not serious about building power, then we are just engaged in a futile exercise of who can be the most radical.
This is a moment for all of us to remember who we were when we stepped into the movement — to remember the organizers who were patient with us, who disagreed with us and yet stayed connected, who smiled knowingly when our self-righteousness consumed us.
I remember who I was before I gave my life to the movement. Someone was patient with me. Someone saw that I had something to contribute. Someone stuck with me. Someone did the work to increase my commitment. Someone taught me how to be accountable. Someone opened my eyes to the root causes of the problems we face. Someone pushed me to call forward my vision for the future. Someone trained me to bring other people who are looking for a movement into one.
No one is safe from the transition this country is undergoing. While many of us have faced hate, ignorance and greed in our daily lives, the period that we have entered is unlike anything that any of us has ever seen before.
We can build a movement in the millions, across difference. We will need to build a movement across divides of class, race, gender, age, documentation, religion and disability. Building a movement requires reaching out beyond the people who agree with you. Simply said, we need each other, and we need leadership and strategy.
We can tell people a hundred times over that because they haven’t been here, they have no right to be here now. But I promise that the only place that will get us is nowhere.
March 27, 1917 - Russian Provisional Governments Lifts Legal and Social Restrictions on Jews
Pictured - A Jewish labor Bund during a march. The Russian Provisional Government eliminated Tsarist restrictions Jewish movement, political freedom, job quotas, and much else.
The Russian Empire gained a massive Jewish population in the 18th and 19th century when it took part in the partitions of Poland-Lithuania. By 1914 more than 5 million Jews lived in Russia, the vast majority on the western border in Poland, the Baltics, and Ukraine. Catherine the Great established this zone in 1791 as the Pale of Settlement, a restrictive area for Jewish settlement, with movement outside prohibited. Jews could live or work outside the Pale only with strict limitations, which cordoned them off into a number of jobs.
Government policy that restricted Jewish rights helped stir up constant ethnic unrest in Russia, leading to pogroms designed to terrorize and chase out Jews, events that plagued Russia’s 19th and early 20th centuries. New laws forbade Jews from settling in many cities, limited the numbers that could serve in the army, forbade them from conducting business on Christian holidays, and limited their political rights. An ultra-monarchist group called the Black Hundreds especially demonized the Jewish population and played a leading role in pogroms. During the war, the conservative Russian military suspected Jews of being spies, and mercilessly drove them away from the border. In 1917 thousands of Jews had been ripped from their homes and made refugees.
Thus the Tsar’s abdication probably caused few Jewish tears. A large segment of the Jewish population was politically active, engaged in either socialist labor Bunds or Zionist organizations. A number, mostly of youths, did join the Bolsheviks or other ultrarevolutionary groups, but they represented both a minority of the Jewish population and a minority of Bolsheviks. The easy conflation of Jews and communism is reactionary nonsense.
Russia’s new leftist-liberal Provisional Government began reforming Russia’s Tsarist laws immediately, and on March 27 it began to life restraints on Russian Jews. They were allowed to move freely, to hold political office, to use Yiddish in business, among other things. Unfortunately, the reversal of repression on Jews only confirmed to monarchists and conservatives their conspiratorial link between revolution and the Jews, and over the next few years the Jewish population would suffer from more pogroms and harassment by the White Army during the Russian Civil War.
Steve slumped in the back seat of the cab
and ran his hand through his hair. They
had been to every goddammed second hand bookstore in the city and had come up
with a big fat nothing. “Maybe I am just
getting cold feet. It’s not normal to be
hung up on some girl I met a lifetime ago when I’m marrying an amazing woman
right? Fate and signs and everything,
that’s just crazy.” Steve reasoned.
“You trying to convince me or you pal?”
Tony sighed, his feet were killing him.
They had pounded the pavements all day and he wasn’t even convinced by
this quest in the first place. The cab
pulled up outside Steve’s apartment and he bid goodnight to his friend, once
again apologising for crashing his day.
Bayard Rustin was the heart and soul of the black civil rights movement in the United States, He was Martin Luther King Jr.s chef organizer, the pioneer of nonviolent resistance, and the man behind the march on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, during which Dr.King delivered his momentous and influential “I Have a Dream” speech. Rustin’s open homosexuality was contentious, and to this day his impact on the American landscape is all too often overlooked.