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Texas wins at Germany⬇1000 km Nürburgring 1966
Jim Hall wants a Chaparral to drive at Le Mans. The best car for it was the 2D. Driven by Jo Bonnier & Phil Hill. After a bad race at Daytona they came on 5th June to the Green Hell 1000km as preparation for Le Mans.
Denis Jenkinson: “Their chance of winning were not realistic, only one car. And Chaparral had no Nürburgring experience.” (But a license plate from Texas😀)
11 classes with 109 cars (only 77 started). GT-cars like Healey, Glas or Triumph were chicanes for the Prototypes. Favourites were Mike Parkes/ John Surtees in a Ferrari 330P3, Lorenzo Bandini/ Lodovico Scarfiotti it with same car and some Porsche Carreras, Ford GT40s and Ferrari 275LMs. ZDF (german TV) and Lufthansa had also cars. Chaparral man Hap Sharp about the 330 P3:“He could just as easily broken go as our.”
Parkes/ Surtees were starting from Pole. The Chaparral 2nd.
After the chaotic start, the 330 P3 runs away. But later he often need to stop because of rear suspension trouble( later he retired). And the 2D was still in the lead. Only when he stopped some Dino V6s or Porsche led for same minutes. The weapon of the 2D was a automatic gear.
Hill drove faster than his F1 lap record from 1961.
Then in lap 37. Hill just passed the boxes as a heavy rain shower begins. Chaparral had no wet tyres. They just carve grooves in the firestone tires. The stop need a bit longer, because the tires were to big for the wheel wells. Hill got nervous.
But after 44 laps suddenly they won. Surtees/Parkes were one of the first gratulants. The Chaparral mechanics and drivers celebrated like a big family.
2 weeks later at Le Mans the Chaparral retired after 10h of racing.
#whenracingwasracing #oldracing #historicracing #chaparral #jimhall #fordgt40 #ferrari #mikeparkes #jochenrindt #johnsurtees #philhill #jobonnier #hapsharp #nürburgring #grünehölle #nordschleife #lemans #firestone #denisjenkinson #ferrari330P3 #lorenzobandini #lodovicoscarfiotti #nring #ninovaccarella #texas #motorsport#rennlegenden #vintageracing #racing #enduranceracing
Inspiration by @automobilsport_magazine
And now… a hot rod, built from a now out of production kit. Aaand just for fun I painted a little Donald Duck on a side. I really wish I could get a good closeup, the tooling is so fine you can see the Firestone logo on the tires!
Now I gotta build a hangout for the cats who ride it!
Once You See These Rare Historical Photos, You’ll Never Forget Them
Find out below some of the most fascinating photographs ever captured on camera. Thanks to these great images, we now have before us a rare window to some of the most interesting moments of our world history.
1. A boxing match on board the USS Oregon in 1897
2. An airman being captured by Vietnamese in Truc Bach Lake, Hanoi in 1967. The airman is John McCain.
3. Samurai warriors taken between 1860 and 1880
4. A shell-shocked reindeer looks on as war planes drop bombs on Russia in 1941.
5. Walt Disney on the day they opened Disney Studios
6. Che Guevara enjoying a drink
7. The Microsoft staff in 1978
8. The last known Tasmanian Tiger (now extinct) photographed in 1933
9. German air raid on Moscow in 1941
10. Winston Churchill out for a swim
11. The London sky after a bombing and dogfight between British and German planes in 1940
12. Martin Luther King, Jr removes a burned cross from his yard in 1960. The boy is his son.
13. Google begins.
14. Nagasaki, 20 minutes after the atomic bombing in 1945
15. The only photograph of a living Quagga (now extinct) from 1870
16. Hitler’s bunker
17. A Japanese plane is shot down during the Battle of Saipan in 1944.
18. The original Ronald McDonald played by Willard Scott
19. The first photo taken from space in 1946
20. British SAS back from a 3-month patrol of North Africa in 1943
21. Disneyland employee cafeteria in 1961
22. The first McDonalds
23. Fidel Castro lays a wreath at the Lincoln Memorial.
24. George S. Patton’s dog mourning his master on the day of his death.
25. California lumberjacks working on Redwoods
26. Construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961
27. Bread and soup during the Great Depression
28. The 1912 World Series
29. The first photo following the discovery of Machu Pichu in 1912.
30. Construction of Christ the Redeemer in Rio da Janeiro, Brazil
31. Steamboats on the Mississippi River in 1907
32. Leo Tolstoy telling a story to his grandchildren in 1909
33. The construction of Disneyland
34. Arnold Schwarzenegger on the day he received his American citizenship
35. 14-year-old Osama bin Laden (2nd from the right)
36. Construction of the Statue of Liberty in 1884
37. Albert Einstein’s office photographed on the day of his death
38. A liberated Jew holds a Nazi guard at gunpoint.
39. Construction of the Manhattan Bridge in 1908
40. Construction of the Eiffel Tower in 1888
41. Dismantling of the Berlin Wall in 1989
42. Titanic leaves port in 1912.
43. Adolf Hitler’s pants after the failed assassination attempt at Wolf’s Lair in 1944
44. ENIAC, the first computer ever built
45. Brighton Swimming Club in 1863
46. Ferdinand Porsche (yeah, that Porsche) showing a model of the Volkswagen Beetle to Adolf Hitler in 1935
47. The unbroken seal on King Tut’s tomb
48. Apollo 16 astronaut Charles Duke left this family photo behind on the moon in 1972.
49. The crew of Apollo 1 practicing their water landing in 1966. Unfortunately, all of them were killed on the launch pad in a fire.
50. An aircraft crash on board during World War II
51. Henry Ford, Thomas Edison, Warren G. Harding (29th president of USA), and Harvey Samuel Firestone (founder of Firestone Tire and Rubber Co.) talking together
Story of cities #29: Los Angeles and the 'great American streetcar scandal'
The last train on the last line of greater Los Angeles’ Pacific Electric streetcar network made its last run on April 9, 1961.
Between 1938 and 1950, one company purchased and took over the transit systems of more than 25 American cities.
Their name, National City Lines, sounded innocuous enough, but the list of their investors included General Motors, the Firestone Tire and Rubber Company, Standard Oil of California, Phillips Petroleum, Mack Trucks, and other companies who stood to benefit much more from a future running on gasoline and rubber than on electricity and rails.
National City Lines acquired the Los Angeles Railway in 1945, and within 20 years diesel buses – or indeed private automobiles – would carry all the yellow cars’ former passengers. Does that strike you as a coincidence?
On the night and early morning of August 8th and 9th 1942, the life of nineteen-year-old Signalman 3rd Class Elgin Staples of Akron, Ohio was saved by someone over 8,000 miles away. Serving aboard the cruiser USS Astoria (CA-34) in support of the landings on Guadalcanal, Staples and his crewmates suddenly found themselves illuminated by spotlight and under attack by a force of Japanese cruisers north of Savo Island. At approximately 0200 hours, the Astoria’s number one eight-inch turretwas hit and exploded, sweeping Signalman Staples into the air and overboard.
Signalman Staples, dazed and wounded in his legs by shrapnel, kept afloat thanks to an inflatable rubber life-belt he had donned shortly before the explosion.
At approximately 0600 hours, Staples along with other survivors were rescued by the destroyer USS Bagley (DD-386) and returned to assist the Astoria, which was heavily damaged, but attempting to beach itself in the shallow waters off Guadalcanal. These efforts failed, as Astoria took on a dangerous list before finally sinking at approximately 1200 hours, putting Staples back into the water, still wearing the same life-belt.
Rescued a second time by the transport USS President Jackson (AP-37), Signalman Staples was first evacuated to Noumea in New Caledonia before being given leave to return home. It was while on board the President Jackson that Staples first examined the life-belt which had saved him closely and was surprised to find that it had been manufactured in his hometown of Akron, Ohio by the Firestone Tire and Rubber Company. He also noticed an unusual set of numbers stamped on the belt.
Returning home to Akron, Signalman Staples thought to bring along the life-belt that had saved him to show his family.
After a quietly emotional welcome, I sat with my mother in our kitchen, telling her about my recent ordeal and hearing what had happened at home since I had gone away. My mother informed me that “to do her part,” she had gotten a wartime job at the Firestone plant. Surprised, I jumped up and grabbing my life belt from my duffel bag, put it on the table in front of her.
“Take a look at that, Mom,” I said, “It was made right here in Akron, at your plant.”
She leaned forward and taking the rubber belt in her hands, she read the label. She had just heard the story and knew that in the darkness of that terrible night, it was this one piece of rubber that had saved my life. When she looked up at me, her mouth and her eyes were open wide with surprise. “Son, I’m an inspector at Firestone. This is my inspector number,” she said, her voice hardly above a whisper.
Happy Mother’s Day from The National WWII Museum!
Posted by Collin Makamson, Red Ball Express Coordinator at The National WWII Museum.
1978 Honda CB400F - Built by a small garage out of Australia by the name Salty Speed Co.
I have to say I’m over the Firestones, they perform horribly and are expensive. Remove the tires, get an original airbox on her and she’s perfect. Aesthetically I love the look; especially the gray/brown combination. Every bike looks better with a brown, we’ll stitched, leather covered seat pan; prove me wrong.
Fear is Why Workers in Red States Vote Against Their Economic Self-Interest
Last week’s massive spill of the toxic chemical MCHM into West Virginia’s Elk River illustrates another benefit to the business class of high unemployment, economic insecurity, and a safety-net shot through with holes. Not only are employees eager to accept whatever job they can get. They are also also unwilling to demand healthy and safe environments.
The spill was the region’s third major chemical accident in five years, coming after two investigations by the federal Chemical Safety Board in the Kanawha Valley, also known as “Chemical Valley,” and repeated recommendations from federal regulators and environmental advocates that the state embrace tougher rules to better safeguard chemicals.
No action was ever taken. State and local officials turned a deaf ear. The storage tank that leaked, owned by Freedom Industries, hadn’t been inspected for decades.
But nobody complained.
Not even now, with the toxins moving down river toward Cincinnati, can the residents of Charleston and the surrounding area be sure their drinking water is safe – partly because the government’s calculation for safe levels is based on a single study by the manufacturer of the toxic chemical, which was never published, and partly because the West Virginia American Water Company, which supplies the drinking water, is a for-profit corporation that may not want to highlight any lingering danger.
So why wasn’t more done to prevent this, and why isn’t there more of any outcry even now?
The answer isn’t hard to find. As Maya Nye, president of People Concerned About Chemical Safety, a citizen’s group formed after a 2008 explosion and fire killed workers at West Virginia’s Bayer CropScience plant in the state, explained to the New York Times: “We are so desperate for jobs in West Virginia we don’t want to do anything that pushes industry out.”
I often heard the same refrain when I headed the U.S. Department of Labor. When we sought to impose a large fine on the Bridgestone-Firestone Tire Company for flagrantly disregarding workplace safety rules and causing workers at one of its plants in Oklahoma to be maimed and killed, for example, the community was solidly behind us – that is, until Bridgestone-Firestone threatened to close the plant if we didn’t back down.
The threat was enough to ignite a storm of opposition to the proposed penalty from the very workers and families we were trying to protect. (We didn’t back down and Bridgestone-Firestone didn’t carry out its threat, but the political fallout was intense.)
For years political scientists have wondered why so many working class and poor citizens of so-called “red” states vote against their economic self-interest. The usual explanation is that, for these voters, economic issues are trumped by social and cultural issues like guns, abortion, and race.
I’m not so sure. The wages of production workers have been dropping for thirty years, adjusted for inflation, and their economic security has disappeared. Companies can and do shut down, sometimes literally overnight. A smaller share of working-age Americans hold jobs today than at any time in more than three decades.
People are so desperate for jobs they don’t want to rock the boat. They don’t want rules and regulations enforced that might cost them their livelihoods. For them, a job is precious – sometimes even more precious than a safe workplace or safe drinking water.
This is especially true in poorer regions of the country like West Virginia and through much of the South and rural America – so-called “red” states where the old working class has been voting Republican. Guns, abortion, and race are part of the explanation. But don’t overlook economic anxieties that translate into a willingness to vote for whatever it is that industry wants.
This may explain why Republican officials who have been casting their votes against unions, against expanding Medicaid, against raising the minimum wage, against extended unemployment insurance, and against jobs bills that would put people to work, continue to be elected and re-elected. They obviously have the support of corporate patrons who want to keep unemployment high and workers insecure because a pliant working class helps their bottom lines. But they also, paradoxically, get the votes of many workers who are clinging so desperately to their jobs that they’re afraid of change and too cowed to make a ruckus.
The best bulwark against corporate irresponsibility is a strong and growing middle class. But in order to summon the political will to achieve it, we have to overcome the timidity that flows from economic desperation. It’s a diabolical chicken-and-egg conundrum at a the core of American politics today.
There is a truism in Washington that was confirmed last week in Congress: Even less popular than government regulation is a regulator suspected of not doing its job.
Not for the first time, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration — or N.H.T.S.A. (pronounced NITZ-ah) — was forced to answer for failing to protect consumers. In this case, the failure involved a defective General Motors ignition switch implicated in 13 deaths. While G.M.’s new chief executive, Mary T. Barra, took most of the heat in two days of House and Senate hearings last week, she shared the grill with the safety agency’s acting administrator, David J. Friedman.
Critics, and not just in Congress, have noted that it was not the N.H.T.S.A. that exposed G.M.’s safety lapse and forced the automaker’s recent recalls of nearly 2.6 million vehicles. The defect was discovered by a lawyer and engineer involved in a lawsuit filed against G.M. by the parents of a Georgia woman killed in 2010. Subsequent press reports spurred the recall. Further stoking concerns, the agency twice considered and decided against opening a formal investigation of the suspected defect.
Given that backdrop, Mr. Friedman’s testimony that his agency would have acted differently had G.M. not withheld information about the flawed part won little sympathy from Congress.
“He basically told us that if only General Motors told them there was a problem, then N.H.T.S.A. could have told G.M. there was a problem,” said Representative Tim Murphy, Republican of Pennsylvania who presided over the House hearing, in an interview. “It’s almost dismissive of their role and I’m not satisfied with that.”
“So what we want to know,” Mr. Murphy continued, “is what is all the information that N.H.T.S.A. had, and how did they handle it each step of the way?”
Yet Congress, too, faces questions. The N.H.T.S.A. budget for operations and research has fallen relative to inflation since 2002, when the G.M. saga began, though no one has suggested that more money and a larger staff might have prevented it. The agency’s unit for investigating defects gets about $10 million a year — less than Ms. Barra’s compensation, noted Joan Claybrook, a consumer advocate who led the N.H.T.S.A. in the Carter administration.
Aggressive regulation is typically not rewarded, especially in the Republican-controlled House. And the G.M. case is reviving calls for Congress to strengthen a law enacted in 2000 after the safety scandal involving defective Firestone tires on Ford Explorers. That law was supposed to give the N.H.T.S.A. greater regulatory muscle by requiring manufacturers to file quarterly early-warning reports on any potential problems or defects. But rules written during the George W. Bush administration give companies a loophole to withhold information they define as business secrets.
The law also limits fines that the N.H.T.S.A. can assess for noncompliance, and allows civil but not criminal penalties. Legislative attempts to address the loopholes and limits in 2010 were blocked by the auto lobby and allies in Congress, though Democrats are now trying again.
The New York Times, “Minding the Minders of G.M.”
It’s like you don’t know whether to SMH, LOL, or WTF.