His revolutionary ambitions cut short by leukemia on december 6th 1961, psychoanalyst and philosopher Frantz Fanon had by the time of his death amassed a body of critical work that today establishes his position as a leading theoretician of (among other issues) black consciousness and identity, nationalism and its failings, colonial rule and the inherently “violent” task of decolonization, language as an index of power, miscegenation, and the objectification of the performative black body. Fanon’s burgeoning popularity and influence on more recent post-colonial readings of black liberation and nationalism perhaps serve as an index of his centrality to the movement for Algierian self-determination in the 1950’s that shaped (and, in turn, was shaped by) his diverse career as a political activist and critic. Born on the island of Martinique in 1925, Fanon fought with the allied forces against Nazi Germany in Europe during the second World War and afterwards studied psychiatry in France, where he published his first book, Peau noire, masques blancs (Black Skin, White Masks). While practicing medicine in Antilles in northern Africa during the French-Algerian war, Fanon actively supported and organized a resistance to French colonialism by authoring two books outlining an insurgent Third World uprising: L'An V de la revolution algerienne (A Dying colonialism or Year Five of the Algerian Revolution), and Les Damnes de la terre (The Wretched of the Earth).

RIP Brother


1st AGITPROP Film Festival July 2011

This coming July 2011, the Philippines will be a venue for two international events  – the International Conference on Progressive Culture (ICPC) and the 4th International Assembly of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS).

The ILPS is an anti-imperialist and democratic organization which at present includes more than 350 member organizations from over 40 countries. The ICPC, on the other hand, is an initiative of ILPS member cultural organizations.

Both events seek to forge a stronger and broader solidarity among organizations and individuals (including artists) in the struggle to advance and defend the peoples’ genuine democratic rights and aspirations throughout the world.

In lieu of such historic occasions, the Southern Tagalog Exposure is organizing an international film festival titled “AGITPROP” which will take on the similar theme of promoting peoples’ democratic struggles all over the world.

Please join us in this endeavor by entering your film/s in the festival.

Visit for details on how to join and other information.

Africa 2012 In Review: Imperialism Advances While Resistance Spreads

From Cairo to Cape Town the African masses struggle for justice and self-determination

By Abayomi Azikiwe
Editor, Pan-African News Wire

During late 2012, the Obama administration announced that it would be dispatching additional military personnel to the African continent. The deployment of regular troops and Special Forces are purportedly tasked with fighting a growing threat from Islamists under the guise of a growing “al-Qaeda threat.”

Yet the placing of more troops in Africa by the Pentagon follows a pattern of escalating U.S. militarism on the continent. The previous year, 2011, saw the first full-blown project of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) in the support for a counter-revolutionary insurgency and massive bombing campaign against the North African state of Libya.

In Libya, 2012 was a year of further political repression, economic depravation and social chaos. Persecutions of Black Libyans and supporters of the former Jamahiriya under the leadership of Col. Muammar Gaddafi continued.

Counter-revolutionaries in the east of the oil-rich state, where the rebellion of 2011 saw its origins, advocated the partitioning of the country due to the vast resource wealth in that region. There was widespread rejection of the sham national elections by people in both the east and the south of the country.

In Benghazi, people burned ballot papers and objected to the proposed political dispensation which disproportionately allocated more nominal power to the U.S.-backed politicians based in the west around the capital of Tripoli. Even among the elites in the capital, there were clashes among rival militias and threats against the politicians by the armed rebels who refused to be disarmed and “integrated” into a “national army.”

The situation in Libya was further exposed on September 11 when a U.S. compound and annex was destroyed by over 100 armed combatants. The attacks led to the deaths of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other personnel, which were later identified as Navy Seals and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operatives.

A subsequent attempted cover-up of the September 11 incident in Libya resulted in a major scandal in Washington centering around the failure of the Obama administration to secure the compound after repeated warnings that U.S. interests in the Benghazi area were under threat. Susan Rice, Washington’s representative at the United Nations, was forced to take the fall for the Benghazi disaster despite the fact that Stevens post was ostensibly under the control of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

What was even more revealing was the claim by the New York Times later that the attacks in Benghazi against U.S. interests were the biggest blow to the CIA in over three decades. Obviously Stevens’ role in Libya was one of a CIA official who was responsible for the coordination of the counter-revolution.

Despite the scandal involving Rice’s false claims on national television indicating that the deaths of Stevens and the others resulted from a demonstration against the vile “Innocence of Muslims” film that was circulating on the internet, the deaths of the U.S. personnel in Benghazi did not jeopardize the Obama presidency. Even though the Republicans attempted to utilize the scandal to undermine the Obama campaign, the fact of the matter is that they too were as adamant against the previous Libyan government under Gaddafi as the Democrats.

Obama’s core constituency including African Americans, Latinos, trade unions and others saw the alternative Romney bid for the presidency as a threat to their well-being although objectively the people of the U.S. have grown poorer and more economically distressed over the last four years. The U.S. bi-polar political system provides no real alternatives to working people and the oppressed.

The Obama administration has in actuality increased imperialist military intervention in Africa as well as other parts of the world. Over the last four years there has been no positive initiatives related to the peace and security of the continent and the world under the present regime in Washington.

Click Link to continue reading…


First time visiting df and first time at an old site like Teotihuacan. I was feeling a little sick and dehydrated with the blazing sun on my recently shaved scalp. But I got through it and it was a great experience. We were lucky to find a local tour guide that went by “spiderman” to give us the Mexican tour which consisted of anti colonial, anti capitalist speeches, pride in our history, the importance of teaching the future generations where they came from to know where they’re going. I didn’t do it much justice but you could imagine how it was.


Being the cousin of Arthur Ashe, I feel as though it is my responsibility to uphold the strong voices of the Black Bruin community. This school has experienced unacceptable instances of injustice recently, and many people are not aware of what is happening at this university. 

I am a proud Black, Cherokee, and Chinese student at UCLA. Thank you for watching.

Filmed by Justin Janes & Steven Ng
Written and Performed by Sy Stokes
Music Composed by David Teel
Editing and Post-Production by Justin Janes

The Black Bruins:
Alex Mercier
Mike Wamungu
Davontae Foxx Drew
Donte Miller
Aaron Willis
Amir Ali
Mike Bailey Jr.
Will Edem
Oz Azubuike 
CJ Okoye
EzMoney Harper

Life + Times: Lock My Body, Can’t Trap My Mind

Angela Davis, in her introduction to Mumia Abu Jamal‘s ’09 book Jailhouse Lawyers, called him one of the most important public intellectuals of our time. “As a transformative thinker,” she writes of Mumia, “he has always taken care to emphasize the connections between incarcerated lives and lives that unfold in the putative arenas of freedom.” In his newest book, The Classroom and the Cell: Conversations on Black Life in America with Marc Lamont Hill, Mumia thinks deeply and publicly about a broad range of issues, from Black feminism, to Obama‘s election and presidency, to hip-hop, mass incarceration, public education and the Black church. He quotes Thomas Paine as easily as he references bell hooks. As a man whose spent 30 years on Death Row insisting he’s innocent of murdering Officer Daniel Faulkner, he’s remarkably free of bitterness. He self-describes as a “free Black man living in captivity.”

The incredible news, delivered just yesterday, that Mumia will no longer face the death penalty came just two days before the day that marks his 30th year in prison, December 9th. At the press conference announcing his office’s vacating the death sentence, District Attorney Seth Williams promised Mumia would spend the rest of his life in prison. Still, it was a victory for Mumia and for the Free Mumia campaign, one of the most famous and international of its kind. The support rally in Philly this Friday to mark his three decades is certain to be a call to the many millions across the world who are convinced of Mumia’s innocence, to recommit to his campaign for a new trial and freedom. Guest speakers Cornel West, Michelle Alexander and rapper Immortal Technique couldn’t have anticipated Wednesday’s announcement or the certain boost it’ll provide the rally.

This interview was conducted via letters. Mumia’s answers to my few questions arrived a week before the announcement that his three decades on death row have finally ended.

Life+Times: You’re one of the busiest men I know, constantly creating podcasts, you’ve recently completed your seventh book and you find time to create hand-painted greeting cards! Is this a jail thing?! Or have you always been so productive?
Mumia Abu-Jamal
: I’d like to say it’s a prison thing, but it isn’t. The truth is, my mom used to bug me when I was a boy about being lazy (I was), so I overcompensated by working incessantly. If I didn’t have at least two jobs, I felt guilty (the power of a mom’s suggestion). There were times when I worked three jobs. I carried that energy with me when I entered the joint. For me, it’s second nature.

L+T: What do you think of this uprising of the progressive left, Occupy Wall Street? There’s been talk of the absence of people of color.
: I’m frankly quite impressed with Occupy Wall Street, for it did in three months more than the movement of the ’60s did in seven years. The growth and sheer span of their work can only be termed impressive. Over 100 cities? Damn. I think it’s too white, and too college-centric, but at least they’re doing something. For that, if nothing else, they are to be lauded. As for Afros and Latinos and Afro Latinos, I think it’s our job to enter those movements, and give ‘em input., issues and support. I think, if-if- all goes according to plan, this could very well be a turning point for this country, and by extension, the world (for what happens here radiates around the world, because it’s the center of empire). We should remember that every great rebellion in U.S. history led to change, albeit negative or positive. The great Shays Rebellion in Massachusetts, led to changes in the structure of the government, from the Articles of Confederation to the Constitution. The (Jacob) Coxey ‘Army’ of the 1890′s, while initially unsuccessful, was a direct cause of social security years later, for example.

L+T: There’s so much talk about the lack of Black leadership. Your generation broke from traditional church leadership. But it’s re-emerged (or perhaps, remained) a central organizing community space.
: Most of us have early, perhaps childhood memories of church. In many ways, it’s formative of not only our personalities, but also our sense of community, of some sense of self-worth, and even, Blackness. It therefore set the limits of what was communally acceptable, for they are inherently conservative (at least socially), and they have that stamp on communal consciousness. But, what I learned during the ’60s is that radical actions in the streets moves right through the walls of the sanctuary, and we remember the emergence of radical Black preachers (and imams, etc.), who, in turn, gave radical spiritual blessings to struggles outside of the church. For example, Malcolm X, Nat Turner, James Cone, Jesse Jackson, Ishakamuse Barashango, etc. In fact, in his later years, Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was deepening in his radicalism, as shown by his Riverside Church speech, which decried racism, militarism and capitalism. His life and example, in turn radicalized many, many other religious people.

L+T: Tell me about writing The Classroom and the Cell. About its conception and the process…
: When Professor Marc Lamont Hill suggested the project, I was intrigued. Technically, it was the easiest I’ve ever done, but substantively, it wasn’t. For it was constructed from our series of phone calls, perhaps three, or four, per chapter. Marc would tape, send out texts after two or three week (whenever a chapter’s worth was done), and we would clean up, expand, and/or augment pieces. We mailed each other constantly. I must say, it was intellectually invigorating; but it also was challenging, for we talked about things that Black men rarely discuss, like love, Black love, pain and such. Most Black men avoid such subjects like the plague, but I think we both addressed it openly and honestly.

L+T: The chapter on love was powerful, radical even. In the book you call Black love “revolutionary.”
: Black love itself, in a profoundly Negrophobic nation such as ours, is a radical thing, for it opposes the mainstream trajectory of U.S. life, policy and culture. We need to deepen and expand that ethos, so that it becomes a social force that has the power to attract, and with it, build. As in the discussion on church, social movements – especially radical and revolutionary movements – changes social reality in other spheres of life. It changes consciousness. Deep, caring, holistic love among our People can therefore make us more whole in all our relationships in our community. That’s because love is inclusive; while hatred is exclusive. There is power in love, which knows no limitations. That, I’m convinced, is our greatest treasure.

Mugabe's speech at the 12th Zanu-PF Annual People's Conference in full

On behalf of our Party, the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front, I warmly greet and welcome you all to our 12th Annual National People’s Conference which is being hosted by the Bulawayo Province as unanimously agreed by our Party. This is an annual event which we deliberately set towards the end of every year so we have an effective, decision-making mechanism for running and servicing our Party between Congresses.

And because this particular Conference takes place just ahead of an election year, it automatically assumes the status and consequence of a real Congress. Thus by way of subject matter and decisions, this whole gathering assumes the full weight of our Congress.  Such is the gravity of this two-in-one gathering.
In the same spirit, I warmly welcome delegates from within our region and beyond who have joined us as emissaries of their respective parties.  We value this show of inter-party solidarity and hope you will find our proceedings both interesting and enriching by way of showing you how we tackle challenges we face in our own situation. Again, a warm welcome to you all!
Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrade Delegates.

We meet at a time of great events and epochal changes in the world.  A time of great, epochal changes to the north of us, in the Afro-Arab World of North Africa. There we have seen momentous turbulence now collectively known as the “Arab Spring.” This wave of popular demonstrations has definitely challenged political establishments, some of which had lasted for decades. Events in Libya and to a certain extent Egypt leave us unsure of what the end in those countries will be.

Much worse, we have seen clear evidence of intolerable Western intrusion on our Continent, intrusion whose worst form was the brutal and bloody tragedy we all saw in Libya.  The Western world intervened, seemingly in the name of the United Nations. On that flimsy veneer of legitimacy, the well-developed but autocratic nation of Libya was bombed to Stone Age with Gaddafi cruelly and brutally assassinated together with his children. Today, that country is rubble, littered with ruins caused by American and Nato terrorist bombs. Lots of lives were lost, ironically under Resolution 1973 of the United Nations whose informing principle was “the responsibility to protect” civilians. Nato, that is Europe and America killed Libyan civilians ostensibly in order to protect them! History could not have moved in a more cynical way.

Against this naked intrusion, Africa was both unprepared and ill-prepared.  Africa was disunited.  The already weak continent weakened itself even further.  Whatever our stance in the African Union, we undermined ourselves by voting for war on African soil. Today, we have a broken nation, a broken people, broken lives, broken hope. If this trend persists against our own acquiescence, we face the grim prospect of broken Independence. As a liberation movement, Zanu-PF cannot be indifferent to this most inauspicious turn of history. It is a turn which challenges our sacrifices yesterday, indeed, challenges our achievements today by way of the freedom and Independence we enjoy, and hope to pass on to posterity tomorrow and forever. The events in Libya have sound grim forebodings for our continent and we have to take a stance.

Before the guns of invasion had been silenced, indeed while the blood of the Libyan people was still being drawn, Europe, led by France and Britain, were already having a revivalist mini- Berlin Conference​ to divide amongst themselves the spoils of that war, principally oil and reconstruction projects. This amounted to a second pillage of Libya, indeed of our Continent, to utter silence on our part as the African Union. Countries like our own Zimbabwe, which is so richly endowed with minerals, and thus so dangerously marked by global imperialism, need to remain very vigilant, always ready to sacrifice for the defence of our Independence and natural resources.

Ordinarily, a party like Zanu-PF, born and built in circumstances of a revolution, the fact of a people’s movement must establish instant affinities between us and any such movements wherever they may be. In them, we should see ourselves vicariously. But the North African movements raise grave concerns. As already indicated, we still have to grasp their identities in the context of the African revolution which must always be anti-colonial, anti-imperialistic.  Rather, we clearly see the serious efforts deployed by the same forces of imperialism to redirect the bursting energies of a rebelling people towards self-destruction.

Another lesson for all of us is that imperialism cannot be appeased, can never be placated through any concessions or deals. It does not keep its word. Gaddafi, we are told, invested in Europe and America. He even sponsored the re-election of those who shot at him in the end.  Much worse, he agreed to be disarmed by his enemies who fawned love and affection. Our revolution must never blink.  It must remain wide awake, always vigilant and equipped for its own defence. After all, Kwame Nkrumah​, the Ghanaian founder leader and father of new Africa warned us a long time ago that only a dead imperialist is a good one. We must remain strong and steadfast against Western imperialism. We cannot cut deals with it.

We are going through a war-like phase of global capitalism.  Today it is oil; tomorrow it shall be our diamonds, platinum, uranium, gold, copper, nickel, iron, manganese, chrome and all.  We have all these coveted resources, which is why there will always be attempts to challenge our sovereignty.
Whereas in the past all development aid, capital and technology came from the West, we now have a whole new world to relate to, a world with a better appreciation of our situations and aspirations.  I am happy to inform you that this alternative capital and technology is already beginning to show itself in our systems.  We need to expand that collaborative thrust, all based on equal terms and mutual advantage.

Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrade Delegates.
In my analysis of the turbulent events of North Africa, I made reference to the dangers of economically excluding the masses from mainstream economic activity. Societies that run on unevenness, run on the principle of shutting out the vast majority of people from mainstream economy, are bound to come to grief, sooner rather than later. Zanu-PF has grasped and understood this primary lesson of societal studies! Unevenness and inequalities are core causes to instability. After all, our revolution was founded on ensuring and assuring the Zimbabwean people of some place in the economic sun.

We did not go to war so the white man continues to run our affairs here. We did not lose so many lives so all those widows, grief-stricken mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, aunts and nieces would settle back to a life of want as in colonial Rhodesia. We fought a war; won that war to win total freedom, total Independence! With that victory the vote had to come. It came. With that victory, the instruments of power by way of Government had to come.  They came. With that victory, democracy had to come. It came, brought by us.  With that victory, education for all had to come. It came. With that victory, racial discrimination had to end. It ended. With that victory, social services and amenities had to reach all people in equal or at the very least comparable measure regardless of colour or creed. That, too, happened.  Yes, with that victory the land, the land, the land, itself the grievance of all grievances, had to come back to its true owners.  It did.  The land has come, never to go back under whatever circumstances.

Today I tell you that with that victory, our national economy, our natural resources have to come back to us, without any more delay! The resources must revert to us the true owners. They are God-given; the only ones we can ever have as Zimbabweans. They are finite; once scooped out, they subtract from our total stock. Ours is not to prosper children of other Nations while our own grow spectre-thin.  Ours is not to develop far away nations, while our own people are condemned to hunger, disease and indigence.  No!  No!  No!

Izvozvo taramba zvachose. Siyala! Tinoti takarwirei?  Takafirei?
Zanu-PF developed the policy of indigenisation and economic empowerment well before the Inclusive Government. It is our policy which today has taken the form of the law of the land. We conceived it, we developed it, and we pushed it through Parliament until it became law. By the same token, we are its sole defenders, against any and all odds. It goes back to the pith of our war aims, the pith of our whole struggle. It is a matter of life and death for us as an African people seeking real Independence. Let no one fool themselves into thinking we are bluffing. Let them ask the Rhodesians who will tell them Zanu-PF does not play games with matters of blood and sacrifice. This economy shall indigenise, in our lifetime!  We are the generation that has been fated by history to make that happen, fated to carve a new place of pride for the African underdog. We dare not flinch.

We have already made a beginning on this policy whose impact should be national. Zimplats pioneered implementation of a facet of this policy of many elements, pioneered modestly in my view. Let them not rest thinking they are done.

They are not, and we shall be asking them to move up, up, up until they satisfy our policy, namely that 51 percent control must rest with our people. Other nations do it; we cannot be different. Unki followed suit and like Zimplats, we will remind them more remains to be done.  In both instances, communities who house these resources have been rewarded through a community ownership scheme.  Our wish is to cover the rest of the country.

Today we still have the patience to negotiate, to sit and talk with these companies which have been exploiting our resources without putting back much into our communities.  Time shall come when we shall not have the patience to talk.  We hope it does not get to that.

We are a liberation movement.  Yesterday we did not fear to offer our own lives, however dear, to free our People.

It does not make sense that today we fear to enforce our indigenisation policy on grounds that the economy will collapse. We faced similar dire predictions during our land reform programme. We executed it regardless. Today agriculture is on the rebound, with our people in full charge. In that sub-sector, the shoots of a truly national economy are beginning to show, together with mining, agriculture is a financial carrier of the State, never mind the enormous if not insuperable difficulties which our farmers face with each season. We must never be daunted. After all Marange will always be in Zimbabwe, Unki in Zimbabwe, Zimplats in Zimbabwe, ZimAlloys in Zimbabwe. We would rather leave our resources intact than allow them to be exploited to our detriment. At 51 percent, we have been extremely generous.

Our country does not have an elected Government. I feel I am President to a political arrangement which is makeshift, undemocratic and illegitimate. The Global Political Agreement (GPA) which initially was meant to settle inter-party differences, today threatens to usurp an elementary and inalienable right of the people, that of freely choosing a Government which must run them. The people have been toppled by this thing called GPA. It was never meant to last beyond processes we all agreed were preliminary to the holding of elections. It was just an interregnum, a short transition to a more permanent political arrangement predicated on a free and fair election. But we have constitutional issues to resolve, issues which once debated by our people, drafted by our experts, would then be put back to the people through a referendum. There was a time frame to all that, time frame which has now been totally subverted in the name of budgetary constraints. Today we ask; why are our self-anointed democrats finding democracy too expensive to be an item for the budget, too costly and unimportant to be a priority? Is it because they have been in the kitchen long enough to discover its goodies, its warmth?

There have been too many shenanigans, subterfuges, wiles and tricks, all designed to stymie the wheels of democracy. We must denounce that. We must demand elections in the first half of next year, without fail. This state of so-called inclusiveness, which in reality is a state of national standstill, has not served this country well at all. True, it gave us peace, but that peace must yield a legitimate government free to pursue definite policies without hindrance. This is not so at present. So our Party needs to gear itself for elections. It needs to strengthen its structures, close ranks and pull in one direction so we secure a landslide victory in the elections which must come soon.

Lastly, we in Zanu-PF must renounce and denounce violence. We must reject violence. After all we are right. After all history is on our side. We are the only liberation movement there ever can be for Zimbabwe. We are conceivers of policies which are running the country. We have ideas of taking this country to a new pedestal of validating our people’s Independence. Everywhere else, there is clear bankruptcy, leaving us as the only real Party of ideas, programmes and courage to lead in this turbulent world, in these turbulent times. Our progressive ideas should be the sole tools of persuasion and mobilisation, never violence. Should we ever fight, it should strictly be in self-defence. Otherwise, peace, peace, perfect peace!

Long Live our Revolution!
Long Live Zimbabwe!
Long Live the People of Zimbabwe
Long Live our Freedom and Independence!
Aluta Continua!
On that note, I now have the pleasure and honour of tabling the Central Committee Report for your consideration.
I thank you. 

So I decided to follow my own advice and find out who’s running for congress in my district. One was John Radcliffe, a standard GOP politician. Another was Cody Wommack, a libertarian.

Well here I am stuck between choosing the lesser of two evils again. So I’m weighing my options. I know both of them are gonna be shit fucks economically, but if he’s one of those “socially liberal economically conservative” types I guess I could hold my nose and vote for him.

I should’ve asked where he stands on the military. I know libertarians tend to be anti imperialist to an extent but w/e I guess I’ll find out.

There was no scandal, was there, over your Indian policy? And you never ceased to think that what you did was right?

You have conquered part of Mexico, you have occupied Hawaii, taken the Philippines and Puerto Rico by force of arms from Spain; freed Cuba and kept a mortgage on it; you have bought the Danish Islands; and you have put your Marines ashore, in central America and forgotten them.

You will soon be forced to restore order in the rest of Mexico. And yet you are still for self-determination, for small nations. You are a small empire, and you have warned us in your Monroe Doctrine that you are going, when you get ready, to be a great empire.

And yet you are anti-imperialists.

—  T.E. Lawrence, interview with Lincoln Steffens, 1919.
Turkey: Coup plotters having connections abroad  does not make Erdoğan a patriot or anti-imperialist
Statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Turkey on July 17, 2016

The Central Committee of the Communist Party gathered on 17th of July and assessed the latest developments in the country deeply and also discussed the state of the Party and its tasks at hand.

1.  July 15th coup attempt was not a confrontation  between ideologically conflicting centers , but involved at least two and even more state cliques with identical class identities and ideologies. It is not possible that these cliques would be totally unaware of each other’s plans and actions just as it is not possible to tell one clique from the other. However the 15th of July attempt  was not a bloody scenario  planned by Erdoğan as some claimed so. It was a real coup attempt.

2. The process that led to the coup has two dimensions. First is what could be described as the fight for “power” in the general sense between Erdoğan supporters and Gulen movement, which has acquired a new dimension by the widespread purges of Gulenists recently. While the economic and political weight of this fight is increasing, the fight also has an international dimension and imperialist centers are supporting these fractions.

3. That most of the officers who participated in the coup attempt are mostly Gulenists and that Gulen movements has close connections within the US are facts. The thought that a coup will not take place in Turkey without U.S.’s approval as Turkey is a close military partner of U.S. as a NATO member is correct to a large extent. The main reason behind most of high ranking officers of the Turkish Armed Forces who are frustrated with AKP not attempting a coup is due to the support US administration has lent AKP.

4. This support has been reduced recently because of various reasons.Some elements with influence in USA and some European countries, have even started preparing for Erdoğan’s purge. The uprising of the people  in 2013 with the participation of the millions,  the damage on the interests of the system due to the tension created by Erdoğan in large sectors of the society and finally the total fiasco of the Syrian policy deeply effected the relations between Erdoğan and some imperialist countries. It is not possible to consider the 15th July coup attempt without taking into account this tension.

5.  Coup plotters having connection abroad  does not make Erdoğan a patriot or anti-imperialist. As a politician, Erdoğan  has served the interests of the USA and international monopolies. At the moment, as a politician who has lost favor among the forces that had lent him support for years, he is maneuvering, entering into new alliances in an effort to save himself. The fact that Erdoğan is now approaching this or that international axis does not change his class character and his ideological preferences.  Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is a bourgeois politician, he is an enemy of the working class, he is a counter revolutionary and he is no different than the coup plotters who wanted to topple him.

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Why Caribbean History Matters

The history of freedom in America arguably began not with slave owners like Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, who called for a limited, racialized vision of anti-imperialist freedom, but in the Caribbean with the revolution in Haiti and with broader struggles for freedom from colonialism (which continued with the emergence of 20th-century US colonialism).

There is a disturbing trend amongst a considerable amount of ‘radicals’ and leftists, they erroneously argue that fascism must be encouraged as this will inspire some kind of ant-fascist response. It is called a theory of 'accelerationism’. 

Unlike the late 1920s and 1930s, we have no mass based communist, anti-imperialist and anti-fascist militant movement, we have the absence of one. Even if we had, to encourage the fascists is really and deeply problematic and frankly a great irresponsible act towards our oppressed peoples. We have a situation whereby fascism is gaining in power on on state and non-state levels throughout the 'West’. Anyway, Guerin says it all better than I. - Sukant Chandan, Sons of Malcolm

Daniel Guérin in Fascism and Big Business (October 1938):

“A particularly dangerous illusion consists in regarding fascism, despite the horror it inspires, as a progressive political phenomenon – as a passing and even necessary, though painful, stage. Rash prophets have announced ten times, a hundred times, the imminent and inevitable crumbling of the fascist dictatorship in Italy or Germany under the blows of the victorious revolution. They have asserted that fascism, by driving class antagonisms to their highest degree of tension, is hastening the hour of the proletarian revolution, even going so far as to contend that the proletariat could conquer power only by passing through the hell of the fascist dictatorship. Today it is no longer possible to keep up such illusions. Events have demonstrated with tragic clearness that the moment the working class allows the fascist wave to sweep over it, a long period of slavery and impotence begins – a long period during which socialist, even democratic, ideas are not merely erased from the pediments of public monuments and libraries but, what is much more serious, are rooted out of human minds. Events have proved that fascism physically destroys everything opposing its dictatorship, no matter how mildly, and that it creates a vacuum around itself and leaves a vacuum behind it.”