Samory Touré (also known as Samore toure or Almamy Samore Lafiya Toure, c. 1830 - 1900) was the founder of the Wassoulou Empire, an Islamic state that resisted French rule in West Africa from 1882 until his capture in 1898.
… [I]n some (perhaps many) cities, discriminatory property assessments left [African Americans] with less disposable income than whites with similar earnings. … An investigation of 1962 assessment practices in Boston, for example, found that assessed values in the African American community of Roxbury were 68 percent of market values, while assessed values in the nearby white middle-class community of West Roxbury were 41 percent of market values. The researchers could not find a nonracial explanation for the difference.
Seventeen years later, an analysis of Chicago assessments found the most underassessed neighborhood to be Bridgeport, the all-white home of Mayor Richard J. Daley, where resistance to African Americans was among the most violent in the nation. Bridgeport assessed values were about 50 percent lower than the legally prescribed ratio of assessed-to-market value; in the nearby African American North Lawndale neighborhood, they were about 200 percent higher than the legally prescribed ratio.
In a 1973 study of ten large U.S. cities, the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) found a systematic pattern of overassessment in low-income African American neighborhoods, with corresponding underassessment in white middle-class neighborhoods. The study revealed that in Baltimore, the property tax burden in the white middle-class community of Guilford, near Johns Hopkins University, was one-ninth that of African American East Baltimore. In Philadelphia the burden in white middle-class South Philadelphia was one-sixth that of African American Lower North Philadelphia. In Chicago the burden in white middle-class Norwood was one-half that of African American Woodlawn. The report provoked no action by the U.S. Department of Justice. Considering all these studies, the differences are too stark and consistent to make benign explanations likely.
The higher property taxes paid by African American owners—and through their landlords, by African American renters—contributed to the deterioration of their neighborhoods. After taxes, families had fewer funds left for maintenance, and some were forced to take in boarders or extended family members to pay their property taxes.
In Chicago, excessive taxation also led to loss of homes by African Americans because speculators were permitted to pay off delinquent tax liabilities and then seize the properties, evict the owners, and then resell the houses at enormous profit. Because African Americans’ property taxes were often higher relative to market value, black families were more likely to be delinquent in tax payments and more likely to be prey for speculators who could seize their houses after paying off the taxes due. There are no contemporary studies of assessed-to-market value ratios by community and by race, so we cannot say whether discriminatory tax assessments persist to the present time, and if so, in which communities. In cities like Baltimore and Cleveland, however, African Americans are still more likely than whites to lose homes through tax-lien repossessions.
Costs of segregation attributable to discriminatory assessment practices, suffered by an unknown number of African Americans, are not trivial. This was not simply a result of vague and ill-defined “structural racism” but a direct consequence of county assessors’ contempt for their Fourteenth Amendment responsibilities, another expression of de jure segregation.
Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law is a pretty good book
Almost from the time that Spaniards began importing Africans to work the Cauca River gold diggings in Colombia, blacks managed to escape; a few sought refuge among the Manabi and Mantux Indian tribes of the tropical coast of northwestern Ecuador. The zambo descendants of these blacks and Indians became tribal leaders and created a major Pacific-coast headquarters known as El Portete.51
This particular settlement acted as a kind of beacon, attracting other bondmen who chose to flee rather than accept a living death panning the streams of southern Colombia for gold dust. It also attracted the attention of the Spaniards, not only because it was a haven for fugitive slaves but also because it was an ideal base for ships sailing between Panama and Peru. Occasional Spanish vessels in trouble attempted to land at El Portete but where driven away by the attacks of the zambo-led tribesmen. In 1556, therefore, Gil Ramírez Dávalos, governor of the audiencia of Quito, began sending troops to smash the troublesome Afro-Indians and seize the town. He succeeded in capturing the settlement, but the rebels reverted to guerrilla tactics. The troops holding El Portete fell victim to malaria and other tropical diseases at an alarming rate and eventually evacuated the area.
Subsequent efforts to subdue the Afro-Indians failed, and Francisco Arias de Herrera broke the stalemate in 1598 by drawing up a compact with the zambo leaders in which the latter agreed to accept the nominal suzerainty of the king of Spain.52 For all practical purposes, however, they remained autonomous.
This was not to be the final example of African-controlled Indian groups resisting Spanish domination in northwest Ecuador. In 1650 a slave ship proceeding from Panama foundered in a storm off Cape Francisco. Two dozen slaves managed to scramble ashore, murdered the Spaniards who survived the wreck, and somehow established themselves as rulers among the local Indians and zambos. Eventually emerging as chief of these liberated blacks was the ladino Alonso de Illescas. Later, thanks largely to good fortune and a combination of resourcefulness and ruthlessness, he established himself as suzerain over all Negroids and Indians in the present-day provinces of Esmeraldas, Imbabura, and Pinchincha.53 Illescas also battled to a standstill the infrequent Spanish expeditions sent into his domain. Not until early in the eighteenth century, when Pedro Vicente Maldonado y Sotomayor cut a trail from the mountain capital of Quito to the northwestern coast of Ecuador, would Spain exercise more than shadowy authority over the region.
[Leslie B. Rout, Jr., The African Experience in Spanish America, p. 116-117]
“Animals are something invented by plants to move seeds around. An extremely yang solution to a peculiar problem which they faced.” - Terence McKenna
The good news is that if we kill all the bees and have to hand pollinate our crops, like they do in China’s Southern Sichuan Province, at least the statists on the left and right will have their wish, and we will have plenty of “jobs” for everyone.
Che Guevara taught us we could dare to have confidence in ourselves, confidence in our abilities and He instilled in us the conviction that struggle is our only recourse and He was a citizen of the free world that together we are in the process of building That is why we say that Che Guevara is also African and Burkinabe — Thomas Sankara, commonly referred to as ‘Africa’s Che Guevara’
“Hope is a far cry from a French Quarter fortune teller”
a French Quarter fortune teller
a French Quarter fortune teller
a French Quarter fortune-
OH RLY KLAUS
WELL if you hold the Quarter and its witches in so much contempt why the fuck are you in New Orleans trying to establish some empire or whatever the fuck your family has been doing for the past few seasons hmm????
GOD i swore i wouldn’t rant about this show and it’s bald faced anti blackness because WHAT WOULD BE THE POINT but goddamn “french quarter fortune teller” was the last mfking straw.
September 24th 1537: First Mexican slave rebellion
On this day in 1537, the first rebellion of African slaves occurred in the Spanish colony of Mexico. Despite 1537 being relatively early in the history of Atlantic slavery, this was not the first such revolt in Latin America, with rebellions dating back from 1512. Mexican slavery expanded following the rise of silver mines and sugar plantations - labour-intensive work which required importation of more slaves from Africa. This created concentrated slave populations, as in Mexico City, and saw slaves outnumber Spanish conquistadors. Additionally, slaves were aware of the political turmoil that beset the Spanish king, and seized on this information to plan their revolt. The rebellion was a co-ordinated decision between slaves and Native Americans in Mexico City and Tlaltelolco to murder their Spanish oppressors, led by a chosen slave king. The uprising was planned for midnight on September 24th, but the plans were thwarted when one slave revealed the plot to Viceroy Mendoza. The viceroy - the Spanish representative in the colony - ordered the arrest of the ringleaders. One female and four male slaves were executed for their role in the plot, with Native Americans acting on the viceroy’s orders and killing the instigators themselves. The plot worried the Spanish authorities, and the viceroy suspended the dispatch of new slaves to Mexico to prevent further rebellions. This incident demonstrates that African slaves continually resisted their oppression, as whilst this was the first rebellion in Mexico, it was by no means the last. Mexican slaves rejected their enslavement not just with violent uprisings, but also by establishing runaway slave settlements called ‘palenques’. Slave resistance was thus ubiquitous during the centuries preceding the abolition of slavery in Mexico in 1829.
On Christmas day 1837, 176 years ago, the Africans and Native Americans who formed Florida’s Seminole Nation defeated a vastly superior U.S. invading army bent on cracking this early rainbow coalition and returning the Africans to slavery. The Seminole victory stands as a milestone in the march of American liberty. Though it reads like a Hollywood thriller, this amazing story has yet to capture public attention
, by showing that in the prelude to 1776, the abolition of slavery seemed all but inevitable in London, delighting Africans as much as it outraged slaveholders, and sparking the colonial revolt.
The so-called Revolutionary War, Horne writes, was in large part a counter-revolution, a conservative movement that the founding fathers fought in order to preserve their liberty to enslave others—and which today takes the form of a racialized conservatism and a persistent racism targeting the descendants of the enslaved. The Counter-Revolution of 1776 drives us to a radical new understanding of the traditional heroic creation myth of the United States.
This land belongs to the Indigenous people. This is a fact that the African People’s Socialist Party is clear on and expresses continuously.
What is evident here is that the construction of the pipeline is a reflection of settler colonialism. Still, the Indigenous people of this land have no self-determination and exist at the whim and mercy of the colonizer––foreigners.
The struggle against colonialism must be made. All attempts for the struggle to be co-opted by the white left and turned into an environmentalist struggle must be struggled against. We see plenty white activists, celebrities and politicians infiltrating the struggle, lamenting on how we need to save the Earth.
In reality, it is the system of parasitic capitalism, created and upheld by these same white people, which is responsible for the damage of our planet. Parasitic capitalism sacrifices the Earth’s natural resources and well-being of its inhabitants for the monetary gain of the white ruling class and capitalist corporations. We should not lose sight of this.
The African People’s Socialist Party, stands in solidarity with our Indigenous sisters and brothers. We, too, demand “No Dakota Access Pipeline”!
Smash Parasitic Capitalism
This land belongs to the Indigenous people!
Kalonda Mulamba, African People’s Socialist Party