african colonies

alternateuniverseofanna  asked:

hi im writing a story that's like a fantasy-historical thing, and I've already got a bit of lore/history. basically there was a war with 2 sides (with deviations between them but basically) and 1 was pro-magic and the other was not. anti-magic won the war, and they culled a lot of mages. many went into hiding. Any ideas how I could make a map/plan out a world that would cause one area to think of the other as lesser? (Think Europe v. Africa circa Victorian era) any help would be amaze thank u

Countries with more stable governments and civil services tend to look down on countries without. Also, during the victorian era various african countries were colonies of various european countries, would could lead to a feeling of superiority from people who lived in the home country as compared to the colonies. It’s not all one way, though. Homophobes who live in a country with same sex marriage tend to think countries where you can kill someone for their sexuality is ‘in the right’, though they may otherwise look down on the country and citizens.  Common points of ‘oh we’re better’ tend to stem from healthcare, housing, infrastructure, human rights, and education

Should the ‘lesser’ countries have a higher mage population, that would also be a source of ‘we are Clearly Better’ amoung the ‘better’ country. Say there was an unstable government and a non official mage government that did most of the actual ‘governing’, it could be a huge source of conflict

This is a slight tangent, but if you can get your hands on a copy of Jamaica Kincaids ‘a small place’ Would Recommend. We did a snippet of it for Engl 102 and I’m considering getting my hands on the full book even though it’s not my genre. It’s an essay written more like a story about colonization from her perspective growing up as a native Antiguan during british colonization. again, would recommend for anyone but especially for you if you’re doing this kind of writing.  I can try and transcribe some of it for you if you’d like to see the content before making a purchase

Another good resource would be Chimamanda Adichies ‘the danger of a single story’ which i have linked because i think it offers a unique take on how bigotry kind of evolves.

I hope this is helpful!

washingtonpost.com
His Paula Deen takedown went viral. But this food scholar isn’t done yet.
Michael Twitty’s mission: To evangelize about the African roots of Southern food.

Wow this guy is amazing uhhhhhh uhhhhhh such awesome work

-blogger at Afroculinaria.com

“Twitty is deeply engrossed in both the African American and Jewish food traditions. “Blacks and Jews are the only peoples I know who use food to talk about their past while they eat it,” says Twitty, 38.”

“From Richmond it was a short jaunt to Colonial Williamsburg, where Twitty spent the week lecturing, conducting training sessions and cooking in period costume at three of the living history museum’s venues. In all his talks, Twitty emphasized the impact of chefs and cooks of African descent on shaping American and Southern cuisines in colonial times and after.”

“At a conference he met the scholar Robert Farris Thompson, author of “Flash of the Spirit,” a book about the influence of African religions on African American art that helped him see that “soul food” was, among other things, a spiritual term describing a mystical connection between humans and the animals and plants they eat.”

“He cooked and he gardened. He studied heirloom seed varieties, some that had been brought from Africa and some that had been carried from the New World to Africa and then, on slave ships, back to North America, among them okra, black-eyed peas, kidney and lima beans, Scotch bonnet peppers, peanuts, millet, sorghum, watermelon, yams and sesame. He called those seeds “the repositories of our history” and wrote about them in a monograph published by Landreth Seed in its 2009 catalogue.”

“Twitty’s embrace of all the various parts of himself — African, African American, European, black, white, gay, Jewish — sometimes raises hackles, as does his habit of speaking his mind. An article he wrote in the Guardian on July 4, 2015, suggesting that American barbecue “is as African as it is Native American and European, though enslaved Africans have largely been erased” from its story, elicited scorn and worse: Many commenters were outraged by his idea of barbecue as cultural appropriation.”

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Daily activities for our African penguin colony: Swim, eat, bray—and inspire guests to help protect this endangered species on Endangered Species Day! So take a moment to watch the penguins play—and remember that we have the ability to tell extinction “Nay!”

Queen Nzinga Mbande (1583-1663), sometimes referred to as Anna Nzinga, was ruler of the Ndongo and Matamba Kingdoms of the Mbundu people in what is now Angola.

As the favoured daughter of King Kiluanji of the Ndongo, Nzinga Mbande was brought up witnessing her father’s governance of the kingdom first-hand. He even took her with him when he went to war. Kiluanji made deals with the Portuguese who were expanding their slave trading operations in South West Africa, and this relationship was maintained when her brother Ngola Hari became king. However in 1617 the Portuguese Governor Correia de Sousa launched attacks against the Ndongo kingdom that captured thousands of Mbundu people.

In 1621 when the Portuguese invited the Ndongo king to take part in peace talks, he sent his sister Nzinga Mbande in his place. At her famous first meeting with De Sousa chairs were only provided for the Portuguese, and Mbande was expected to sit on the floor. Instead she commanded one of her servants to go down on all fours and act as her chair. During the negotiations Mbande walked a fine line between preventing the Portuguese from controlling the kingdom as they had done in Kongo, while keeping options open to trade for firearms to strengthen her armies. In this she was successful, although as a condition of the agreement she had to convert to Christianity and was baptised as Anna de Sousa, with the Governor becoming her Godfather.

In 1626 Mbande became Queen of the Ndongo following the death of her brother. Her reign began in peril as the Portuguese went back on their deal with her and declared war, as did other neighbouring tribes. Forced into retreat from her own lands, Mbande led her people south to the kingdom of Matamba, which she attacked, capturing Matamba’s Queen and routing her army. Mbande then installed herself as the new ruler of Matamba, from where she launched a prolonged campaign of guerrilla warfare against the Portuguese which would last for the next 30 years.

Mbande developed a legendary reputation as a warrior, although claims that that she took part in human sacrifice are likely the result of European propaganda and gossip. Accounts that she maintained a personal harem of more than 50 men are also unproven. What is known is that Mbande assembling a diverse army to oppose the Portuguese that included runaway slaves, defecting soldiers, and women. Exploiting European rivalries she made an alliance with the Dutch, which included acquiring her own personal bodyguard of 60 Dutch elite soldiers armed with rifles. Working with the Dutch, Mbande successfully defeated Portuguese armies in 1644, 1646, and 1647. However the Dutch were eventually pushed out of the region in 1648 and Mbanda was forced to carry on the fight alone. While she was never able to completely defeat them, she successfully resisted Portuguese invasion for decades.

Mbande continued personally leading her troops into battle until she was in her sixties, but the long war eventually wore both sides down. In 1657 she finally signed a peace treaty with Portugal. She then spent the rest of her life focused on rebuilding a nation which had been devastated by conflict and over-farming. She died of natural causes in 1663, aged 81. Today Nzinga Mbande is a symbol of Angolan independence, memorialised by numerous statues.

The Rise and Fall of the Wassoulou (Mandinka) Empire, West Africa

The Wassoulou Empire was an African Empire that existed between 1294 and 1315 AH (1878-1898 CE) in modern Mali, Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire and Sierra Leone.

The story of the rise and fall of the Wassoulou state is also the story of the rise and fall of its first and only ruler, a remarkable man named Samori Touré. Born to a Dyula Mandé family in the town of Mayambaladugu, in the year 1245 AH (1830 CE), he was the son of a fairly well-to-do merchant. Touré grew up in an African world that had long been aware of the European presence. Slave trading on the coasts had been going on for generations, though Europeans were yet to penetrate too far inland, and many still relied on their protectorates for extracting the wealth of Africa. Touré’s father probably had significant relationships with a variety of Europeans, both officials and civilians, as a merchant, and as a result, Touré had a familiarity with their ways of life, and particularly, their ways of bureaucracy, organization, and martial tradition, since many of the outposts and expeditions in the area would have been armed and defended by troops brought in from overseas.

In 1264 AH (1848 CE), an event happened that would change his life forever. At the time, Mayambaladugu and most of the surrounding Mandé and Fulani groups had just been subjugated by the authority of the Tocouleur Empire, often as client chiefdoms or states, and these vassal entities continued to fight intermittent wars with one another, often for loot, including slaves, and access to natural resources that could buy guns and equipment from Europeans, or influence at the new Tocouleur court. When he was eighteen, a man and probably taking some responsibility in his family’s mercantile business, his mother was seized in one of these raids by the powerful Cissé, another Mandé group. Determined to get her back, Samori Touré traveled deep into Cissé territory, to confront a man tradition names Séré-Burlay. In return for his mother’s safety, he struck an agreement with his mother’s captor: he would serve the Cissé as a warrior, so long as she remained safe. It is unkown how long Touré served in this capacity, though some traditions say for more than seven years, but however long he did, he was most likely an experienced veteran by the time he ended his service to the Cissé by escaping with his mother.

Seeking safety from the roused and potentially vengeful Cissé, Touré traveled to the towns of the Bérété Mandé, a group who had been longtime rivals of his former masters. There, again, he became a warrior, though now he began to rise through the ranks, charismatic and brave as he was, and with an extensive knowledge of his enemies and years of combat experience under his belt. By 1280 AH (1864 CE), he had a significant amount of men under his command, and was fighting for the Bérété somewhere along one of the Niger’s tributaries, probably the Milo River.

A final note on Touré’s early life, before the founding of the Wassoulou Empire is discussed: Touré was not born a Muslim, but converted sometime as a young man, possibly during his time with the Cissé, but it is impossible to be sure. Even African sources disagree on the exact dates, or how/why he converted. Regardless, by 1280 AH (1864 CE), he was a devout Sunni Muslim, and possibly a member of a Sufi brotherhood.

In 1280 AH (1864 CE), the Tocouleur Empire, which had conquered and subsumed the Mandé and Fulani states of Touré’s youth the year his mother had been kidnapped, collapsed. El Hadj Omar Tal, the Fulani founder and only ruler of the Tocouleur state, died, and though his heirs managed to hold onto some of the territory, their subjects proved entirely too powerful and eager for the potential spoils left by the great man’s death for their control. Dozens of factions broke off, and the region dissolved into chaos. As mentioned above, Touré was on what was probably the Milo River, and, as the Empire disintegrated around him, Touré took advantage of the situation to accomplish two things. The first was the testing of his warriors in serious battle. Trained with his own version of European military standards, adapted from the experiences and memories of his youth, and armed with firearms and the skill to use them, Touré was eager to see if his own theories about war would hold up in a conflict so much larger and more intense than the small-scale strife of his youth. The second goal was the creation of a new Sunni Muslim state, with Touré as the ruler.

Touré quickly won victories. His men were well-disciplined, and, as the war progressed, more and more heavily armed. In addition to captured weapons and a variety of improvised and locally-manufactured equipment, Touré also began to deal with the British in Sierra Leone, where they refused to offer him status as a full protectorate kingdom, but agreed to supply him with weapons in exchange for a promise not to deal with other colonial powers, particularly the French. Though the British did not supply him with heavy weapons or artillery, they did provide breach-loading weapons, and the know-how to repair them, as well as an enormous supply of ammunition. So armed and now with a veteran army at his back, Touré seized the Buré gold mines, on the Malian border, and with the hard currency and extensive territory his victories had won him, proclaimed himself Faama (Emir, roughly), of a new Wassoulou Empire, named after region on the modern Guinea-Mali border. The capitol was moved to the large town of Bissandugu in 1294 AH (1878 CE).

The next chapter of the Wassoulou Empire was marked by wars of conquest against weaker neighbors, rather than the earlier wars for survival in the cutthroat political climate left behind by the Tocouleur collapse. A major success came in 1297 AH (1881 CE), when Kankan, a major Dyula trading post on the Milo River fell, and the Empire reached its geographical zenith. Smaller states, particularly animist/indigenous African states, fell as well in the same period, and though, like many African rulers, Touré allowed many indigenous civil customs to continue unmolested, he began to style himself with Islamic titles, and likely sought out more formal religious training from Sufi’s and Marabouts, local Sunni leaders, during this period. Finally, he managed to secure alliances, with himself as the power-brokering party, with the Fulani states to the North, where Islam was the state religion.

In 1299 AH (1882 CE), Samori Touré launched a new campaign, this time dispatching his troops South, toward Cote d’Ivoire. There, they besieged the city of Keriera, hoping to use it as the launching point for a campaign as far as the coast. However, another major imperial power was operating to the south, and moving northwards from the Ivory Coast: France. In fact, the first contact between the Wassoulou Empire and the French was a brief engagement outside of Keriera, where a French force drove off Touré’s surprised troops, and then effectively replaced them, occupying the city. Touré, concerned but not desperate, renewed relations with the British and sent new emissaries to Liberia, where he hoped to strike another arms deal. He got what he was looking for in 1300 AH (1882-3 CE), purchasing repeating rifles from the British and Liberians, and setting up a corridor on which to move supplies between the coast and his interior centers of power, should the emerging conflict with the French escalate.

They did escalate. Skirmishes and Wassoulou raiding colored the next few years, and French colonial authorities, disturbed by what they perceived as a grave threat to ventures in the area, dispatched a Colonel Combes with an expeditionary force to take Buré, one of the main sources of cash for Touré and his Empire. However, the force was too small, and Combés was unfamiliar with the terrain and his enemy, and they were soundly defeated by the crack African forces, many of the leaders veterans of decades of campaigning. In Shawwal, 1308 AH (1891 CE), another French force was dispatched, this time to Kankan and lead by Louis Archinárd, another French Colonel. Touré, realizing he could not hold the walls against heavy French artillery, abandoned the city, but took his men into the field, hoping to defeat the French in the open. Though Touré managed to drive a few French columns back in 1308 AH (1891 CE), he was unable to significantly halt their advances, especially as more and more French troops were assigned to the region, transferred for the campaigns organized to destroy Touré and his neighbors. Another blow had come with the signing of the Brussels Conference Act of 1890, in which Europeans agreed to stop selling weapons to African rulers or armies, cutting Touré off from a valuable source of weapons.

In 1309 AH (1892 CE), French Colonel Húmbért attacked, seized and occupied Bissandugu and Buré, though Touré and his troops were, again, in the field, and, though defeated, the Faama was able to keep his troops intact, retreating across the Niger. Along the path of his retreat, Touré burned crops and destroyed as much of the infrastructure as he could, hoping to stall the French and possibly allow African disease to have some weakining effect on the advancing columns, though this strategy only bought a few seasons. The clashes with the French, from the first engagement with Colonel Combés to the seizure of Buré and Touré’s capital at Bissandugu, constitute what is now known as the First and Second Mandingo Wars. The third, and the deciding moment for the Wassoulou Empire, loomed, though it was delayed by the French conflicts with rulers in Mali and back along their tenuous zones of control to the coast.

However, by 1315 AH (1898 CE), Babemba Traoré, the ruler of the collapsing Kénédougou Empire to the North in Mali proper, was defeated by the French, who proceeded to incorporate most of Mali into the expanding territory of French West Africa. Touré, cut off from supplies in Liberia and Sierra Leone, now found himself virtually alone against the French, who moved their victorious armies back toward Wassoulou and the border, preparing for a final offensive, across the Niger and into what had once been the far Eastern edge of Touré’s Empire, now its only remaining area. Within a few months of the outbreak of hostilities in the Third Mandingo War, Touré was captured when a French unit attacked his troops, and was imprisoned. The French quickly moved in to the remaining Wassoulou towns, and formally dissolved the Empire in the ensuing months. Touré remained imprisoned by local French troops until the 23rd of Jumada al-Ula, 1317 CE (29 September 1899), when he was moved to exile in Gabon. He died of pneumonia there, at 70, in Safar, 1318 AH (June 1900 CE), and was buried at the Grand Masjid in Conakry, Guinea. Touré’s great-grandson, Ahmed Sékou Touré, would later become Guinea’s first President, when the country became independent of France more than half a century later.

“The Carnation Revolution, also referred to as the 25 April , was a military coup in LisbonPortugal on 25 April 1974 which overthrew the regime of the Estado Novo. The revolution started as a military coup organized by the Movimento das Forças Armadas (Armed Forces Movement, MFA), composed of military officers who opposed the regime, but the movement was soon coupled with an unanticipated and popular campaign of civil resistance. This movement would lead to the fall of the Estado Novo and the withdrawal of Portugal from its African colonies.”

A lot of leftists at the end of the day are completely fine with bourgeois states or even reactionary far right neotraditionalism as long as it isn’t American. But this only makes senses if you ignore the “longwaves” of imperialism. It doesn’t matter that you supported Sadam Hussein against American imperialism because he was also installed as a far right anticommunist leader by the United States.

Imperialism is maintained whether you support him or not (and Marxist Leninist organizations DID support him). Socialism is not furthered by providing “critical” support for far right political movements such as the Taliban, Al Qaeda and ISIS. United States military action should always be opposed but vulgar anti imperialism not only dismisses the imperialism of these leaders continued position as a leader but ends up de facto supporting other imperialist states or the past imperialist actions of the United States.

It doesn’t even attempt to oppose imperialism as a world system but instead seeks to, much like the United States during the cold war, support anticommunist and other right wing leaders, which these movements objectively are considering United States imperialism overturned many of the advances feminism, gay rights and religious pluralism had provided to minority groups in those countries which encouraged right wing traditionalist religious movements to dominate politics. Often, the United States gave those groups guns and training. Turkey and Russia have rightwing political leaders in control of their domestic and international politics. Until recently, Putin and Trump were publicly fond of each others leadership and rightwing politics.

But we should provide “critical” support for them because they oppose American International interests now? How do you think they came to power? Do you not think bourgeois states don’t have oppositional interests? What was World War I but a fight amongst the bourgeoisie over national economic desires to dominate the African colonies? The bourgeoisie are only united in their wants to perpetuate capitalism but who gets to benefit is a site of conflict. You lose when you take sides in bourgeois conflicts. Reject them entirely. There are situations where many of the factions present are bad for different reasons.

Anti-imperialism is often not anti-imperialist but merely just anti-American which is not sufficient enough. America is not the only capitalist economy that attempts to repress communist movements. Anticommunism is a global phenomenon.

anonymous asked:

hello! i was wondering if you knew any good resources about settler colonialism and antiblackness in the U.S and how these things relate to each other?

  Yup, so here’s a list of a few with a summary of the topic addressed (Links to the articles/books are provided if I have them)

Fanon, Frantz – Black Skin, White Masks - Addresses the effects of (settler) colonialism on Native Africans in Algeria. Also a ur-text for a lot of contemporary Black Studies literature.

Fanon, Frantz – The Wretched of the Earth - Addresses the effects and processes of colonialism and its intersection with anti-Blackness/White Supremacy.

King, Tiffany – “Labor’s Aphasia: Toward Antiblackness as Constitutive to Settler Colonialism”  - Amazing article discussing how the metaphysics of labor are disarticulated by Blackness and how anti-Blackness was a necessary part of settler colonialism.

King, Tiffany – “In the Clearing: Black Female Bodies, Space and Settler Colonial Landscapes” - Probably the best work in this list. King addresses how anti-Blackness shapes settler colonialism and how settler colonialism shapes anti-Blackness. It’s one of the better intersections of Black Studies and Native American Studies, in my opinion.

Sexton, Jared – “The Vel of Slavery: Tracking the Figure of the Unsovereign - Addresses the flaws in Native American Studies attempt to understand settler colonialism and how Blackness makes settler decolonization problematic. 

Wilderson, Frank B., III – Red, White, and Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms - Not all about the intersection, but the first three parts do address, to some degree, the intersections between Blackness and Redness.

Tuck, Eve, Allison Guess, and Hannah Sulton – “Not Nowhere: Collaborating on Selfsame Land”  - Interesting work on how Blackness can create a place of meaning. A work on the Black/Land Project.

Jackson, Shona N. - “Humanity Beyond the Regime of Labor: Antiblackness, Indigeneity, and the Legacies of Colonialism in the Caribbean” - Discusses how Black people can participate in anti-Red/Settler colonial systems and the problems of working through a labor discourse.

Difference between Congo, Bakongo and Kongo...

[This is obviously directed at those who write in English when talking about the two Congos and the Bakongo.]

Congo: 

  • The term Congo can refer to the Congo river and also Congo rain forest
  • The term also refers to two different countries:

1) The Republic of the Congo (aka ROC, Congo-Brazzaville) previously known as French Congo and The People’s Republic of the Congo  

2) The Democratic Republic of the Congo (aka Congo-Kinshasa DR Congo, DRC, RDC, Zaïre - yes some people still call it Zaïre even Congolese people) previously known as Congo Free State, Belgian Congo, Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville), Republic of Zaire 

[These two countries are not the same, we were never one. Just because we share a pre colonial history, a few ethnic groups and cultures doesn’t mean we’re the same. We also share those things with Angola, South Sudan, Tanzania, Zambia etc as well, so saying we’re the same just because of those things doesn’t make sense. My ethnic groups has more in common with people from Tanzania and Zambia than ROC, because we share a lot of cultural similarities and history with ethnic groups from those two countries]

Congolese

  • People who are Congolese are those either from the Democratic Republic of Congo or Republic of Congo.  

[As I said, some people from the Democratic Republic of Congo still refer to the country as Zaïre and themselves as Zarian or Zaïroise/Zaïrois. I still get called Zaïroise by other Congolese people and other Africans because I was born before the country changed its name to DRC]

Kongo:

  • The term refers to the pre colonial kingdom (Kongo Kingdom) in what is now northern Angola, Cabinda (which is a province of Angola but located between DRC and ROC), southern  Republic of the Congo, western  Democratic Republic of the Congo
  • Kongo also refers to the Kongo aka Bakongo and Kongolese. This is not a tribe (learn the difference between tribe and ethnic group) Bakongo are an ethnic group and there are tribes who are part of the Bakongo for example the Vili, Yombe or Lumbo etc 
  • Kongo can also refer to the language of the Bakongo aka Kikongo and also Kituba
  • It can also refer to the two modern day countries, depends in which language you write in 

Few facts:

  • Kongo/Bakongo means fighters (or warriors)
  • The Kongo Kingdom was the first pre colonial Christian (specifically Catholic) Kingdom in Central Africa. Not the whole of African, because the was other pre colonial Christian African Kingdoms
  • A new movement of Catholicism was created within the kingdom by prophetess Beatriz Kimpa Vita called Antonianism. Even after she was martyred and the new sect was suppressed, Antonianism is still practiced by people today particularly the Bakongo
  • Traditional Kongo (Bakongo) religion still existed in the Kingdom and its still practiced today.Kongo religion along with Kongo Catholicism has influenced Haitian Voudou, Quimbanda (an Afro-Brazilian religion) and other religions of the African diaspora
  • Many Bakongo were taken to Cuba, Haiti, the US, Brazil and others

resource: 1,2,3,4

(I might have missed a few points tell me if I did)

5 Times The U.S. Almost Went To War

It’s impossible to guess what would have happened if the U.S. had gone to war at critical points in history, and thankfully we’ll never know. Here are five diplomatic nightmares that didn’t end in conflict.

1. When Japanese Prime Minister Takeo Fukuda launched a hammer at the United States: In 1978, the world looked on in horror as Japan hurled a 5-pound wooden mallet at Washington, D.C. from a military base in Okinawa. Fortunately for the world, however, somewhere along its 6,000-mile journey across the Pacific Ocean, the hammer hit a seagull in midair and fell into the water, foiling the attack and soothing diplomatic tensions between the two countries.

2. When Ethiopian ants carried a sleeping FDR back to their anthill in 1937: Both houses of congress demanded the U.S. launch an airstrike against Ethiopia in retaliation for the overnight theft of a sleeping President Roosevelt by a rogue colony of African fire ants. Though foreign leaders pleaded with the U.S. military to stand down, the airstrike was only called off once FDR woke up miles from his bed with his legs stuck down a massive ant hill, and used his remaining limbs to called the White House to confirm his safety.

3. The nightmare that was Eisenhower sending a blowup doll to meet Fidel Castro in his place: In 1959, Castro’s visit to the U.S. got off to an inauspicious start when the Cuban envoy was greeted not by the head of state, but by a naked, blond blowup doll with a surprised-looking mouth. Offended, Castro retaliated by aiming several nuclear missiles at Southern Florida, but he ultimately called it off when the United States sent then-Vice President Richard Nixon in a sexy maid costume as an apology.

4. The Barack Obama-Palm Reader Crisis: The nation was shocked when in 2011, Barack Obama issued a televised statement that he had visited Lady Virtue, a palm reader who had foreseen him going to war. The psychic had informed the president that his palm’s war line was longer than any she had ever seen, and that he should issue an attack on whatever country he wanted to. However, in the end war was avoided, as another palm reader—Lady Omega—told the president that his palm’s war line was actually a normal size, and that he had a great chance of failure if he declared war on another country.

5. When Jimmy Carter used the red telephone for a radio sweepstakes: In August of 1980, President Jimmy Carter was determined to be the 11th caller in 106.5 KISS-FM’s Annual Summer Sweepstakes, but the only phone he had at his disposal was the Washington-Moscow hotline. Even after informing Kosygin that he had just heard Eric Clapton on the radio and was not interested in nuclear war, Carter was unable to win weekend passes to Disneyland for four.