I am an abuse survivor. This isn’t news. However, I’ve also done some horrendous things during that point in my life, especially to Jay. In my suffering abuse and turmoil of my alcoholism, I lied, snuck around, cheated, and many awful and, honestly, abusive things. I was an accomplice to my abuser also abusing Jay horribly. Much of this was because I, myself, was being severely abused, and I was trying to survive/keep her from killing me faster than she already was. 

This is an explanation, not an excuse.

What it comes down to is that in my past, I have done abusive things. I work every day to keep that from happening again. To keep my HPD in check and not let that poison the way I move through the world. To not relapse in my PTSD, see my abuser’s face on the people around me. On Jay. To not lash out in unhealthy and manipulative ways because of that. To fight the alcoholic instinct to hide things, even when I have no reason to. 

I’m not saying these things for sympathy. I just believe this hard binary of “abuser” and “not abuser” leaves room for abusive actions like those I have committed to be swept under the rug. People are afraid to talk about things they’ve done because they don’t want to be ostracized. I’ve been one of those people, and that not only does no justice to what I’ve done to Jay, no justice to our relationship and its future, but also no justice to myself and my process healing from my own abuse. 

I welcome people, with this in mind, to unfollow me or cut contact with me. I don’t check unfollows, nor would I hold anything against people for reacting to this.

We don’t know yet what happened to San Bernardino shooter Tashfeen Malik during her many years living in Saudi Arabia, or what her U.S.-born husband and accomplice, Syed Farook, might have experienced during his two recent visits to the country. But it isn’t news that Saudi Arabia, a supposed U.S. ally, has a long record of promoting religious extremism at home and exporting it abroad. According to a Reuters report, relatives of the Pakistani-born Malik say she and her father appeared to have become more radicalized during years they spent in Saudi Arabia. Between 1,500 and 2,500 Saudis have joined the fighting in Iraq and Syria in part thanks to the close relationship between the ideology of the Islamic State and of Saudi Wahabism. In the last month alone, Saudi Arabia has declared its intent to behead 50 people across the country and has threatened legal action against any who suggest beheading is “ISIS-like.”

For years since 9/11, U.S. and Western officials have mostly looked the other way at all this ideological support for extremism: Saudi oil was just too important to the global economy, even though many of these Saudi petro-dollars were underwriting repression at home and the growth of Salafist fundamentalism abroad. But today, two things have changed: first, the global cost of Saudi-backed extremism has continued to climb—with the rise of ISIS and Boko Haram, the bombings in Beirut and Paris and the shootings in San Bernardino.

The other factor that has changed is that there is no longer as much economic justification for America to kowtow to the Saudi regime. With Saudi Arabian dominance of the global oil market declining, and the United States moving itself closer to energy independence—and the deal to halt Iranian nuclear weapons technology moving ahead, neutralizing for the moment at least the threat of a Mideast arms race—there has never been a better time to reconsider America’s close relationship with the House of Saud. That means moving toward a regime of sanctions designed to pressure the ruling royal family toward respecting rights at home and peace abroad. Other major nations appear to be recognizing the same thing: “We have to make clear to the Saudis that the time of looking away is over,” Sigmar Gabriel, German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s deputy, told Bild am Sonntag newspaper on Sunday.
It’s long past time, in other words, to make Saudi Arabia pay for its ideological support of extremism. The United States should be pressuring Saudi Arabia to reform and—if necessary—move on to targeted sanctions modeled on those the United States has applied to Russia, Zimbabwe and Venezuela. Such sanctions block the sale or transfer of money, goods or services owned by specifically named individuals, and prevent those named from entering the United States.

Saudi Arabia, of course, denies that it is involved in underwriting extremism; it maintains, on the contrary, that it is part of the coalition against Islamic State and it has been a victim of extremist terror attacks. But the record of Saudi Arabia’s global support for extremists suggests it should be on the shortlist for inclusion on the State Sponsors of Terrorism list, at the least. Both the government and individuals within the country have been a major source of support for international terror groups before and since 2001—when most of the 9/11 bombers came from Saudi Arabia. In 2012, the Saudi ambassador to Pakistan had multiple high-level contacts with the Haqqani network, which was behind a 2011 attack on the U.S. Embassy in Kabul. In 2009, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned Saudi donors were the “most significant source of foreign funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide,” and that Al Qaeda and the Taliban “probably raised millions of dollars” in the country every year.
This support for radicalism abroad should come as little surprise given that Islamic State is an ideological cousin of Saudi Arabia’s own state-sponsored extremist Wahhabi sect—which the country has spent more than $10 billion to promote worldwide through charitable organizations like the World Assembly of Muslim Youth. The country will continue to export extremism as long as it practices the same policies at home.

In fact, the country’s domestic human rights abuses are enough reason to impose sanctions alone. Venezuela is under U.S. sanctions at the moment for “erosion of human rights guarantees, persecution of political opponents, curtailment of press freedoms, use of violence and human rights violations.” It might be shorter to list the human rights Saudi Arabia upholds than those it abuses. To quote the U.S. State Department Human Rights Report, Saudi “citizens lack … the right and legal means to change their government” while there are “pervasive restrictions on universal rights such as freedom of expression, including on the internet, and freedom of assembly, association, movement, and religion; and a lack of equal rights for women, children, and noncitizen workers… torture and other abuses… [v]iolence against women, trafficking in persons, and discrimination based on gender, religion, sect, race, and ethnicity.”

Beyond the floggings and beheadings meted out to those who dare suggest reform, Saudi Arabia’s record on women is a sick form of gender apartheid. They are banned from obtaining a passport, marrying, traveling or going to college without the approval of their husband or other male guardian. None may drive and they are also banned from most jobs. And the treatment of blogger Raif Badawi, who was sentenced to 10 years in jail and 1,000 lashes for suggesting the country embrace women’s rights and freedom of thought, demonstrates a determined commitment to curtail press freedom. Meanwhile, Zimbabwe is sanctioned because certain persons have been “undermining democratic institutions or processes.” It would be hard to do that in Saudi Arabia, but only because there is so little to undermine.


Yet we haven’t really even started this discussion about Saudi Arabia in America. Indeed, the United States is still deeply implicated in Saudi Arabia’s abuses. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the U.S. exported $934 million in arms to Saudi Arabia from 2005 to 2009. From 2010 to 2014, it exported $2.4 billion more. This month, it approved another billion-dollar shipment. The U.S. provides training, shares intelligence and gives logistics support to Saudi Arabia’s military. And President Barack Obama rushed to Riyadh to pay obeisance to the country’s new king, Salman, early in 2015, only days after the death of his predecessor, Abdullah.

Many observers still suggest Saudi Arabia and its oil is simply too important to U.S. interests to countenance a change in policy. But that is based on a dated view of both the country’s economic power and the impact of sanctions. Imposing an embargo on Saudi oil exports like the one imposed against Iran for its nuclear program would surely have a dramatic effect on global oil prices at least in the short term. But targeted sanctions would not do that. And, regardless, Saudi Arabia’s power over global—and in particular U.S.—energy markets is on the wane.

A decade ago, economists Robert Barsky and Lutz Kilian of the University of Michigan studied the impact of oil price shocks on the U.S. economy and concluded that “the case that oil price shocks create recessions is weak … disturbances in the oil market are likely to matter less for US macroeconomic performance than has commonly been thought.” That conclusion is even more true today. Oil is simply not as important to the economy as it used to be. America uses less petroleum in 2014 than it did in 2000 according to the U.S. Energy Information Agency. Since 1980, the amount of oil it takes to produce a dollar’s worth of U.S. output has fallen by 55 percent. Meanwhile, North American production is rising (U.S. oil output climbed 30 percent from 2008 to 2012). The combination of greater domestic supply and slackening demand translates into falling imports. By 2035, forecasts the International Energy Agency, “[t]he net North American requirement for crude imports all but disappears … and the region becomes a larger exporter of oil products.”
A range of long-term trends suggests the influence provided by Saudi Arabia’s oil will decline not just in the U.S. but worldwide. The rise of renewable energy and the increasing threat of carbon taxes will slacken demand. And global exploration alongside new drilling technologies are opening up huge new reserves: According to the Energy Information Agency, Saudi Arabia’s share of global proven oil reserves has fallen from 26 percent to 16 percent just since 2000.

Furthermore, we know that targeted sanctions and a continued oil trade can coexist because they already do. In 2014, Saudi Arabia was responsible for 13 percent of U.S. oil imports—426 million barrels. Russia and Venezuela (both under U.S. sanctions) exported 408 million barrels to the U.S. between them. Globally, Saudi Arabia and Russia each produced about 12 percent of the world’s oil. The idea that targeted (non-oil) sanctions on Saudi leadership would have anything like the impact on global oil markets of invading Iraq is hard to support. We also face the possibility of being able to import oil from Iran thanks to the recent nuclear deal.

Saudi Arabia’s power to damage America economically may be weak, but it does retain considerable political influence. From 1991 to 2003, Saudi Aramco, the country’s national oil company, sold crude oil to U.S. refineries at a significant discount to the market price. That acted as an $8.5 billion gift to refineries—which used some of that money to lobby Congress. The refineries that benefited nearly doubled their political contributions on average, and the recipients were more likely to support Saudi-related interests (and oppose Israeli interests) in Congress, according to analysis by economist Jennifer Peck of Swarthmore College. While that program is over, in the past few weeks the Saudi government has hired elite Washington lobbying firm the Podesta Group to shore up its support on Capitol Hill—alongside half a dozen existing lobby firms including DLA Piper and Hogan Lovells.

But 30 years ago, apartheid South Africa also spent lavish amounts in lobbying to prevent U.S. sanctions—invoking regional stability and the fight against communism as the excuse for overlooking the country’s institutionalized racism. Popular pressure was still enough to provoke a congressional override of Ronald Reagan’s veto of sanctions against the country. And Saudi Arabia is already mistrusted by most Americans. In 2014, suggests the Gallup organization, only 35 percent of Americans had a favorable view of the country. That beats out Iran, Syria and Iraq, but is only 1 point ahead of Russia, and behind China and Cuba (it is also behind Venezuela’s 2013 rating). So it isn’t clear that Saudi Arabia’s enhanced lobbying campaign will necessarily have much effect.

The new approach to Saudi Arabia would not develop overnight. It might start with tighter controls on arms exports and reduced military cooperation. From there, the U.S. could embrace a sports boycott—at least until girls are actually allowed to play sports in the Gulf kingdom. And then, perhaps, a ban on tourist visas for male members of the Saudi Arabian royal family until Saudi women can leave the country without permission of their husband or male guardian.
Again, smart sanctions are no panacea. But the Saudi royal family has a lot of overseas assets to freeze, because it has aggressively globalized its investments. Prince Abdul Aziz bin Fahd, son of the late King Fahd has amassed a U.S. property portfolio worth nearly$1 billion with his partner and relative Sheikh Khalid N Al Assaf. Prince Alwaleed bin Talal bought a $300 million stake in Twitter four years ago when he was also the second largest shareholder in News Corporation. His investment company currently owns large stakes in Citigroup, Fairmont Raffles hotel chain, Motorola and eBay. If any ruling elite is likely to be susceptible to international pressure, the Saudi royal family must be near the top of the list.

And if any ruling elite worldwide deserves to be under pressure, it is the Saudi royal family. For years, it has protected its own against languishing in jails abroad for murder, rape and drug smuggling, while executing people at home for acts that should not be criminal at all. The repression is not a matter of high-minded religious principle, merely the desire to keep control of the country’s wealth and power—whatever the cost to citizens at home or the victims of Saudi Arabia’s extremist client groups abroad. It is high time—and the right time—for America to lead the world in saying “enough.”

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Chinese American fights off five robbers, kills 1, injures 4

A Chinese American in Houston fought against five robbers and killed one after getting attacked near his house last month.

The man was on his way to dinner with his wife on January 4 when the robbery occurred.

Two of the robbers had hidden themselves on the side of the road near the man’s house and reportedly ran to his car door in an attempt to force it open as the couple was starting their car. One of the robbers shouted, “this is a robbery, give me your money and car.“

The man tried to resist at first, but then pretended to obey and offered to give them his wallet, when he suddenly took out a gun from his pocket and shot at the attackers.

Three other accomplices in another car crashed into the victims’ vehicle as they saw the gunshots being fired.

The man kept shooting at his attackers’ vehicle as his wife ran back to their house, and grabbed a long-barreled rifle.

The attackers’ vehicle overturned after losing control and hit cars parked nearby. Three of the attackers crawled out from their car and fled the scene.

Local police arrived at the robbery site soon, arresting one of the injured offenders and found another one dead. Two other robbers were captured on the road several hours later, and the other one is still at large.

The Darkness 2 E3 Trailer Analysis

A couple of days ago we posted the first gameplay trailer released for the upcoming The Darkness 2.

There are plenty of things to miss in the trailer as it cuts by each scene pretty fast. So just in case you missed anything, here’s a breakdown of the first Darkness 2 trailer:

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The Darkness 2 is a sequel to the hit 2007 game. You once again follow the story of Jackie Estacado, this time two years ahead of the first game. Following the events of the first game, Jackie now runs the Franchetti crime family and has gained some ability to control his The Darkness so he could rise to the rank of the boss.

Unfortunately, another mob is out to get Jackie and after an attack, The Darkness is once again unleashed within Jackie. Not only do you have the problem with the other mob, but “The Brotherhood” organisation is also trying to steal the power of the Darkness. Let’s get into the trailer itself.

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Jackie is in a pretty bad state. With plenty of people out to get him and take the Darkness from him, it’s no surprise that he starts the trailer getting nailed to something.

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As far as I’m aware, this guy is the leader of The Brotherhood. I’ve heard that he might be called “The Crippled Man” and that might make sense when you see some close ups later on.

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In this scene “The Crippled Man” has an accomplice, I doubt he would be significant in the story but he sure can do a powerful hit.

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The voiceover states “You’ve been keeping something that was once lost, something that doesn’t belong to you. Now you have to choose to give it back”. This can only mean the Darkness. If you look at the mysterious device behind him. I can only assume that this is attempting to remove The Darkness from inside of Jackie and take away his powers. Jackie really is in a bad state.

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I warned you that he wasn’t the best looking guy. The whole left side of his face is extremely burnt and destroyed and in the previous scenes he’s hobbling around with a walking stick. What history does Jackie have with this guy? Why does he want the Darkness so bad? What caused his injuries?

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The Darkness made you watch your girlfriends murder” he says. If you didn’t get to this point in The Darkness then I am sorry to spoil it for you, but Jackie’s girlfriend was brutally murdered in the first game, right in front of Jackie and he couldn’t do anything about it, The Darkness prevented him from rescuing his true love. Jackie is extremely affected by this, throughout his mob life this has been hanging over his head.

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And here is it, The Darkness. The ultimate power. Jackie’s power. And in The Darkness 2 the darkness looks meaner than ever. The detail is phenomenal.

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If you need an example of how powerful the Darkness is, here is it. All innocently the Darkness is holding a guy up by both legs. What could possibly happen?

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Well, that’s pretty much a perfect example of the new power of the Darkness. This attack is called the “Wishbone”. Ripping the person apart down the centre. Absolutely awesome!

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In The Darkness 2 you will be able to dual wield and shoot weapons alongside controlling the Darkness too. Also known as “quad-wielding”.

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You can pick up many things from the environment to throw at the enemies, whether it be car doors or fan blades. All will completely shred them in half in the most horrific way.

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Car doors can be used as shields too.

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The memory of his girlfriend still at the front of his mind, there will be no abundance of flashbacks to her.

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The voiceover for Jackie states “I’m stronger than you think” just as he rips one of the blades out of his impaled hand and jabs it into the side of the guys face. Wherever Jackie is, he does not want to be there and will do anything to escape.

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And the trailer leaves us with the sweet voice of Jackie’s girlfriend. “Jackie, make it stop”. Is she dead? Isn’t she? She must be, right?

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The Darkness 2 is coming to Xbox 360, PlayStation 3 and PC on October 4th, 2011. The trailer leaves plenty to be explained, but I’m sure in the coming months we’ll find out more. Stay tuned to Platform Nation for more Darkness 2 coverage.

Original Article

The Treasure 2015 full movie Online

➣➣ Click Here To PLAY Full Movie

► The Treasure Movie Storyline

Costi (33) leads a peaceful life. At night he likes to read his 6-year-old son stories, to help him sleep. Their favorite is Robin Hood. Costi sees himself as the hero - righter of wrongs and defender of the oppressed. One evening, his neighbor pays him an unexpected visit and shares a secret: there’s treasure buried in his grandparents’ garden, he’s sure of it. If Costi will hire a metal detector to help locate it, he’ll give him half of whatever they get. Skeptical at first, in the end Costi can’t resist. He’s on board. The two accomplices have one weekend to locate the loot. Despite every obstacle in their path, Costi refuses to be discouraged. For his wife and son, he’s a real hero - nothing and no one are going to stop him.

► The Treasure Movie Detail
Release Date : 2015-05-13
Casts : Ciprian Mistreanu, Toma Cuzin, Corneliu Cozmei, Clemence Valleteau, Radu Banzaru, Iulia Ciochina, Dan Chiriac, Cristina Toma, Florin Kevorkian