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the government cannon
by any person what were
telegraph stretching cycles in their claws a gun deck
if born
for they are sent
lessons from battle
is tight to serve
ages precedents connect the western youths with sure proof
after all my own shores and the passions loves wars
the wise
i say to him well of these with perfect model’d
i find his name of the multitude
the cow’s calf
Tuesday
While checking my twitter feed on the ferry, I learned that jesse jackson had stopped police from taking down medic tent the night before.
There is a station in the park that highlights union support. When teamsters show up, they are outright applauded. Recognition that without union support, youth movements are easier to dismiss. When I hear about ‘68, it is still assessed based on the participation of “workers.”
At the same time, the 99% rhetoric wants to dissipate that sense of “workers” and “middle-class.” Hardt and Negri talk about this in Multitudes.
If one wants to be recruited in, one of best ways is to start eating the food. “Come for the food; stay for the revooltuion,” says a sign near the kitchen.
Got informaton about the OWS archive group which supposedly meets on wednesday nights at 8pm. I might visit that one but my weekly vegetable pick-up is from 6-8 on Wednesday evenings.
Seems to be a 9am meetiing next door at trinity church. Not sure if I’m welcome. I walked by it awkwardly a few times.
Anarchist group had excellent materials available today. Their methods of decision making find echoes in progressive education as well as the structure of OWS. Affinity groups described as diverse units that make connections and break connections as situations call for it.
Question: How will OWS deal with getting caught up in 2012 election without getting coopted? Hopefully the General Assembly meetings will be robust enough to process all that.
TPM alerted me to a site called Occupy Design which brings together the talents of talented designers to “build the visual language of OWS.” I forwarded to my wife (a brilliant designer) so that she can pitch in an icon or two. Heading over to a nighttime visit. Falling behind on scanning and filing materials. Need a helper.
The Fight for "Real Democracy" at the Heart of the OCW
excerpts from the op-ed by Hardt + Negri in Foreign Affairs
The political face of the Occupy Wall Street protests comes into view when we situate it alongside the other “encampments” of the past year. Occupy Wall Street takes inspiration from the encampments of central squares in Spain, which began on May 15 and followed the occupation of Cairo’s Tahrir Square earlier last spring. To this succession of demonstrations, one should add a series of parallel events, such as the extended protests at the Wisconsin statehouse, the occupation of Syntagma Square in Athens, and the Israeli tent encampments for economic justice. The context of these various protests are very different, of course, and they are not simply iterations of what happened elsewhere. Rather each of these movements has managed to translate a few common elements into their own situation.
If together these different protest encampments — from Cairo and Tel Aviv to Athens, Madison, Madrid, and now New York — express a dissatisfaction with the existing structures of political representation, then what do they offer as an alternative? What is the “real democracy” they propose?
The clearest clues lie in the internal organization of the movements themselves — specifically, the way the encampments experiment with new democratic practices. These movements have all developed according to what we call a “multitude form” and are characterized by frequent assemblies and participatory decision-making structures.
Do not wait for the encampments, then, to develop leaders or political representatives. No Martin Luther King, Jr. will emerge from the occupations of Wall Street and beyond. For better or worse — and we are certainly among those who find this a promising development — this emerging cycle of movements will express itself through horizontal participatory structures, without representatives. Such small-scale experiments in democratic organizing would have to be developed much further, of course, before they could articulate effective models for a social alternative, but they are already powerfully expressing the aspiration for a “real democracy.”
If democracy — that is, the democracy we have been given — is staggering under the blows of the economic crisis and is powerless to assert the will and interests of the multitude, then is now perhaps the moment to consider that form of democracy obsolete?