sdum mkhan - conciliator, pacifier, peacemaker [JV]

sdum mkhan - mediator, peace maker, conciliator [IW]

sdum pa po - conciliator, pacifier, peacemaker [JV]

sdum pa po - mediator, peace maker, conciliator [IW]

sdum byed - mediator, peace maker, conciliator [IW]

zhi ba’i tshig - good words, (mild, polite) expression, mild language, conciliatory [JV]

Possible symbols for use by the Conciliator (and by extension, Senfal).

This one is messier because I don’t know! I had more ideas. I liked the idea of a drop of blood being involved somehow, because the Conciliator rose on the platform of uniting the castes, but maybe it’s tacky. The six lined emblem seems cool but it’s also really super basic too I guess.

The R was just me being lazy I guess. I thought it looked neat.

The “Triangle” kinda thing stems from me thinking that something involving threes or sixes should be involved somehow. And the final one is a more complicated idea, basically representing the religion (with the Sufferer’s symbol at the center, representing the catalyst that allowed the Conciliator to introduce his revolution, five circles and one triangle, i.e., five dead gods and one alive god).

What do you guys think?

edit: these are all rough drafts, so, they can be touched up and made nicer if any get picked I guess

We have come such a long, long way, we have. We have elected a black man president of the United States, and forget that the political opposition has treated him like an unruly footman despite his best efforts to be a conciliator, a living witness to a country absolved. But, from a distance, that is not the conclusion the honest person can draw from what is going on in Missouri now. The honest conclusion to be drawn from what is going on in Missouri now is that we may have reached the limits of the American idea, of the American dream, of the American experiment. This country, it is fair to conclude, cannot exist without some manifestation of its fundamental racial divide. Slavery, followed by Reconstruction, followed by American apartheid, followed by the Civil Rights movement, followed by Wallace and white backlash, followed by the election of Barack Obama followed by the shooting of Trayvon Martin, followed by the acquittal of George Zimmerman, followed by the strangulation of Eric Garner — where’d he go, by the way? — and the shooting of Michael Brown. Maybe we should admit it to ourselves, we of the dwindling white majority, that the racial divide is something essential to holding our idea of the country together. It may be that we cannot unify ourselves without fashioning every 50 years or so, a new suit of clothes for old Jim Crow. White people will be a minority in this country, and very soon. Maybe the racial divide is all we have left.

Transformation, Transfiguration, Transcendence, & Transmogrification of consciousness are a composite of states summarizing the middle stages of ascension where opposition within the aspiring mind is manifest. Memory streams of simultaneous incarnations and probability twins interface with the embodied seeker, all personality & sub-personality creations in all times and worlds must be made resonate to a level of quantum coherence that is compatible with the unified structure of the oversoul or monadic mind.

It is there, the zero point of perfect balance, where the male and female, father-mother-son personas become the simplified one. Until such time, dimensions of unrealized self and the beings that populate those dimensions will effectively attack and psychically hijack all that is not claimed in the divine right of the one christiac-buddhic-nirvanic avatar self.

The pure intention & hope of the incarnate being is tested by all the might that exists in all the densities that exist. He or she who cannot come to conciliation is another consciousness stream unready to be a co-creator within the higher realms and subtle states of the Illuminous cosmic mind.

Tattoos —— Jax || Ruby

Unashamed he continued to check her out, much to the amusement of the tattoo artist who he had pretty much forgotten. Amused at her retort he looked pointedly at her thigh where the tattoo was forming before firing back “Sorry but it is a great view if that’s any conciliation,”. Walking forward he took her outstretched hand and shook it firmly in his “Nice to meet ya, beautiful,”. He pulled up a chair and set it with the back facing her, siting in it backwards “So what’re you getting for a tattoo?”

Je n’avais pas craché sur les étoiles. Je n’avais pas pu.
Au large des îles de Riou, j’avais coupé le moteur et laissé flotter le bateau. A cet endroit, approximatif, où mon père, me tenant sous les aisselles, m’avait trempé pour la première fois dans la mer. J’avais huit ans. L’âge d’Enzo. « N’aie pas peur disait-il. N’aie pas peur. » Je n’avais pas eu d’autre baptême. Et quand la vie me faisait mal, c’est toujours vers ce lieu que je revenais. Comme pour tenter, là, entre mer et ciel, de me réconcilier avec le reste du monde.
Après le départ de Lole, j’y étais venu aussi. Jusque-là. Toute une nuit. Toute une nuit à énumérer tout ce que je pouvais me reprocher. Parce qu’il fallait que cela soit dit. Au moins une fois. Et même au néant. C’était un 16 décembre. Le froid me glaça jusqu’aux os. Malgré les longues rasades de Lagavulin que je m’envoyais tout en pleurant. En rentrant, à l’aube j’avais eu le sentiment de revenir du pays des morts.
Seul. Et dans le silence. Des guirlandes d’étoiles m’enveloppaient. La voûte qu’elles dessinaient dans le ciel bleu-noir. Mais aussi son reflet sur la mer. Seul mouvement, celui de mon bateau clapotant sur l’eau. Je restai ainsi, sans bouger. Les yeux fermés. Jusqu’à sentir enfin se dénouer en moi cette boule de dégout et de tristesse qui m’oppressait. L’air frais, ici, rendait à ma respiration son rythme humain. Libéré de sa longue angoisse de vivre et de mourir.
—  Jean-Claude Izzo - Solea

this has been such a goofy ass summer. i didn’t write a single riff. listened to the first five grateful dead records maybe 20 times each, smoked weed and watched curb your enthusiasm, watched mike jones music vids sober, was welcomed into another’s bed, made full moon water, discovered the power of hermann hesse and moldavite, was faded a lot but not too much, played hella shows. but something weird happened i don’t remember when but i started being more genuine with people and dropped a lot of the sarcastic bullshit that kinda polluted my interactions with others and i found a new energy and i think im at peace with a lot of things now and i feel myself existing positively for once. idk it’s tite

also i was high and wrote down the lamest shit like “contentedness is glorified existential conciliation” lol uhh ok dork see ya next summer

Semi-Hiatus notice:

My vacations are over and this semester besides being the nerd that I am, I will also work as a tutor. So is going to be super duper hard to keep the blog active. I’ll let the queue running with a few things and come here to freak out a bit if SHINee happens, but is going to be hard to conciliate all this with being a hardcore fangirl. If someone feels like keeping in touch I’ll be at 5ocm​, that is where I hide during the semester. I’m going to miss you all and ot5 so much :’(



Le Monde has brought an article on the Fascist Alain Soral out of its paywall.

Visitors to Alain Soral’s Egalité et Réconciliation (Equality and Reconciliation, E & R) website see pictures of Hugo Chávez, Che Guevara, Muammar Gaddafi, Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Fidel Castro and Vladimir Putin on the left of the masthead. Joan of Arc and Soral are on the right. The site, with its motto “leftwing on labour, but rightwing values”, is France’s 269th most popular, a few places behind the TV magazine Télérama.

The juxtaposition of Guevara and Putin, of Chávez and rightwing values is a sign of the confused political times. The big questions are, who stands for what and what does it mean to be on the right or left?

The summer workshop of MEDEF (Mouvement des Entreprises de France, a business leaders’ organisation) warmly applauded the Socialist economics minister Pierre Moscovici, who had told them: “We must fight together.” Alain de Benoist, co-founder of GRECE (Research and Study Group for European Civilisation) and a leader of the new right, supports bank nationalisation, the creation of socialised credit and the refusal to pay debt; he draws on the work of progressives such as Emmanuel Todd, Perry Anderson and the Economistes Atterrés (Appalled Economists), who reject neoliberal orthodoxy (1). The Front National (FN) is defending protectionism — as are sections of the radical left — and talks of popular sovereignty, and so does the Front de Gauche (FG, Leftwing Front).

Developments like leftwing union activists or a Communist candidate on an FG ticket in the Marseilles 2012 legislative elections all standing under the FN banner are more than freak events, as is the considerable percentage of Socialist votes transferred to the FN in by-elections in Oise and Villeneuve-sur-Lot. They are signs of serious confusion. Is this, as the columnist Jacques Julliard says, a mysterious emotional swing against a background of scepticism about the governing class, left and right alike (2), or do people want to transcend divisions, because extremist parties, left or right, stand to benefit from making common cause?

Soral’s monthly videos on his site, billed as “crossfactional” and providing tools of resistance to the system, draw huge audiences, especially among the young (15 million views). He expresses his personal views, directed to people keen to understand what he calls this “bloody mess”, the current situation. He is serious about trying to explain both current events and history. In the past he has directed several films and written a novel, which suggests artistic gifts and intellectual courage; and his political trajectory appeals to many of his worried viewers. He has not been afraid to change direction: from (apparently brief) membership of the Communist Party in the 1990s, to the Anti-Zionist List, co-founded with the comedian-activist Dieudonné (M’bala M’bala) for the 2009 EU elections, with two years in the Front National. He stresses his “bloody-mindedness” in a way reminiscent of the late lawyer Jacques Vergès, whose funeral he attended this August.

Soral, who is also a martial arts enthusiast, is subtly but clearly a mix of eternal adolescent — his questions are intense, and he’s non-conformist in what he engages with, and ignores — and man in the street: he has the heroic, robust isolation of someone without party or support, trying to see things for what they are, despite opposition. Filmed in casual clothes, on a sofa, he is the antithesis of an academic or career politician, and picks and mixes his ideologies; this is popular online with many people who no longer have the political education from party or union membership that once shaped their views.

His talks appeal to key emotions and ideas: a feeling of powerlessness about globalisation and France’s loss of autonomy under EU law; worries about economic and social decline; the malaise caused by modernity; the difficulty of conceiving a different future. He highlights the need to fight globalism, as “an ideological project that aims to create a global government and dissolve nation states on the pretext of universal peace; this will be achieved through the complete commodification of humanity” (3). To Soral globalism means “oligarchic domination”, which disregards popular sovereignty and underpins the myth of market omnipotence, “as though that were not a political phenomenon, created by power and class relations”. The granting of specific rights to “oppressed minorities” replaces collective social advances and leads to the fragmentation of society, which risks civil war. He believes the evidence for this is the racialist interpretation of social relations: “indigenous French” against “Arabs”, at the lowest echelon of society, rather than labour against capital. One result of this is that Muslims are scapegoated.

The new world order, “the empire”, seeks a democracy in name only, the “power of the richest” that upholds an abstract egalitarianism replacing the question of social inequality and class exploitation with societal questions, justifying this in the name of human rights.

Soral advocates “leaving the European Union, leaving NATO, and reclaiming control of our currency … to restore France’s sovereignty and give democracy some of its meaning back”, fighting the obsolescence of nation states and introducing protectionism.

This analysis would not shock those who, like him, want to end what he calls “the oligarchy of profit from human labour”. Soral might even make you believe that he is, if hardly a Marxist, then at least in search of an authentic left. He condemns colonialism as the “betrayal by the left of French universalism”, and neo-colonialism; emphasises that the instrumentalisation of ethnic and religious tensions subverts class struggle; and wants a multi-polar world. However, he rarely mentions social movements or the means of production, and seems keener on denouncing the alliance of the financial right and the libertarian left that legitimises elites and the media.

His true obsession is saving France — “I want to save France!” — and what it represents. Politics matter less to him than morality, because of the meaning it can give to personal life, and revolution counts for less than the nation, because of the meaning it can give to collective life.

His analysis of class relations, a recurrent theme, is sketchy, and based on a conception of man that neoliberalism, a synonym for modernity, is trying to demolish. The fundamental enemy is the incitement to “compulsive consumption and individualism” (E & R charter) — “the ideology of the market-oriented world”. He thinks the problem with neoliberalism is not that it exploits but that it creates a society dedicated to gratifying its impulses, which weakens the sense of the collective, and of political consciousness, via selfishness, competitiveness and pleasure seeking. He believes that only the nation is capable of protecting people from “cosmopolitan profits, which possess neither country nor morality”, and which pervert higher values than personal satisfaction.

His view of the nation is that, to protect the people, it should reject selfishness and “cosmopolitan profits”; this supposes that the nation has a single essence, a spirit that belongs to a particular culture, and that it must exclude amoral cosmopolitanism. Starting with a call for sovereignty in the face of supranational laws, he arrives at a near-mythic conception of the nation that will allow the creation of “a labour, patriotic and popular front against all the networks of finance and globalised ultra-liberalism” (


): what he calls a “national fraternal community, conscious of its history and culture”, uniting those who want the most equitable division of work and wealth and those who want to preserve what is good and human in the Helleno-Christian tradition, which he presumes led to the demand for true equality.

He believes that to transcend materialism it is necessary to recover the spiritual strength which once counterbalanced it, represented as much by religion as communism or French universalism: the sense of fraternity, of respect for self and others, the consciousness of being an individual linked to a whole.

In his view, the nation is innately anti-capitalist, and so no agents of neoliberalism have a place in it: this includes those on the left for whom the fight is only about “legal equality” and those on the right who want to retain their privileges. What matters for Soral is the possibility of coming together to share common values greater than individual appetites and characteristics. Secularism counts for little (it has become “the most fanatical of all religions”); likewise a citizen’s origins (integrated French Muslims would be an opportunity for France, unlike “this new generation of wastersfrom the ghettos … who typify a delinquent American neoliberal ideology”). Cultural separatists are enemies of fraternity, too, with their idea of equality based on defending victimhood; so are people who are unproductive, greedy, pleasure seeking or individualistic. Progressives and reactionaries are not necessarily homogenous groups.

It is important for Soral to define those who genuinely contribute to a society free from the alienation of neoliberal representations of the world: the true people, who embody the spirit of the nation,in which — rejecting false oppositions and clichéd divisions — he includes the petite bourgeoisie, which he believes can be close to the proletariat, and bosses of small businesses, who don’t share the practices of big corporations. Peasants, workers and small entrepreneurs can be part of a “mutualist society of citizen producers” since for each “social and economic responsibility — and therefore political responsibility — results from the appropriateness of their means of production”. Soral is not far from the views of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon or Pierre Poujade. But he’s a long way from Karl Marx.

Such a dignified, “reconciled” society could provide a common objective for the anti-liberal right and the radical left: “There is a moral right, which is, if you think about it carefully, the ally of the economic and social left. And conversely an amoral left which has shown itself to be akin to the ideological state of the economic right in its most recent and most brutal manifestation.” “Leftwing on labour, but rightwing values” here comes into its own. The social left incorporates the sense of transcendence inherent in the nation’s values, and the class struggle is abolished in a diverse, but united society.

This leaves the victory of neoliberalism still to be explained, including its ideological hold over the amoral left. He thinks it’s an American-Zionist plot. If democracy is artificial, if the arguments in favour of neoliberalism are made so strongly, and opposition is so often weak, it is because of secret networks that infiltrate all the decision-making institutions of the empire, neutralising or corrupting political action. From the dinners of France’s elite club Le Siècle to the “new masonic orders of the hyper-class, Bilderberg and Trilateral-style think tanks”, the oligarchy calculates its manoeuvres, manages public opinion and plays up the terrorist threat. Soral thinks this justifies his support for “Islamic resistance” and its allies, who alone can oppose the world domination of the oligarchy.

He believes that Jews are at the root of these conspiracies, linked to the rapacious US — it’s the old accusation that they are rootless cosmopolitans intent on the accumulation of capital; banks are Jewish, the press is Jewish, the destruction of national unity is Jewish. Soral hates them obsessively and sees them everywhere. He says his views are anti-Zionist, and oppose Israeli policy — but they are straight anti-Semitism, not support for the Palestinians, or mere provocation. He republishes classic works of anti-Semitism under his Kontre Kulture imprint (Edouard Drumont, Jewish France), and it’s unquestionably conviction publishing. This rage is not enough to discredit him with his followers, probably because the conspiracy theories tap in to widespread feelings of impotence. (True, there have been secret arrangements, for example the contact between the Chilean business class before the coup which overthrew Salvador Allende.)

We have to ask whether “moral” reflections, like Soral’s supposedly anti-capitalist, nationalist and above party allegiances, do not often lead to a red-brown populism, which is not anti-capitalist but strongly xenophobic, if not fascist. If history is any guide, the answer is yes.

Not all Soral’s supporters are proto-fascists, but it would be foolish to ignore the fact that his speeches invite more than one interpretation. His arguments and their conclusions hinge on an assessment of social problems in terms of societal values and the idea of the “nation”. The result is an apparently coherent view of the social and personal damage done by neoliberal modernity.  This frees his online followers from any fear that they are sad reactionaries, and makes them feel part of an enlightened minority.

A left that wants to create the conditions for genuine social justice has to remember that nothing in its own objectives can ever be confused with the objectives of the far right. So it must clarify its own analysis of these questions, even if the price is internal conflict.

Michifer Tattooartist!AU Part IV

Michael has an awesome relationship with Lucifer’s friends.

First Previous

This feels like an awkward filler, so so sorry!

Getting back into the easy mood that Lucifer had been hoping for the whole day was difficult and needed some outside help. A conciliator. That usually would fall on Gabriel, or maybe Balthazar, but the latter had been on his day off for three days and Lucifer’s little brother was rather busy flirting with the girl whose thigh he was inking up.

See when Lucifer will listen to his hissy fit about him ‘flirting’ with Michael every time he’s near.

He was not trying to pick Michael up. He was tormenting Gabriel. Very different.

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The Equal Opportunity Commission (EEOC) received a complaint from a woman who claimed Mach Mining, LLC (Mach Mining) denied her a job because of her gender. The EEOC determined that there was reasonable cause to believe Mach Mining had discriminated against female applicants and began conciliation, but the parties ultimately could not agree and the EEOC sued on the female applicants’ behalf. Mach Mining argued that the EEOC did not conciliate in good faith, and the EEOC moved for summary judgment on whether failure to conciliate in good faith is a viable defense to its suit for unlawful discrimination. The district court denied the motion and held that courts may review the EEOC’s informal settlement efforts to determine whether the EEOC made a sincere and reasonable effort to negotiate.

Nonetheless, the court certified the question to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. The appellate court reversed and held that, so long as the EEOC has pleaded that it complied with Title VII and the relevant documents are facially sufficient, judicial review is satisfied. The appellate court noted that Title VII gives the EEOC complete discretion to accept or reject settlement offers during informal conciliation and provides no standard to evaluate the failure-to-conciliate affirmative defense. Therefore, the appellate court determined that allowing an employer to use failure-to-conciliate as an affirmative defense would protract and complicate employment discrimination cases.

Are the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s conciliation efforts judicially reviewable and, if so, to what extent?

vitorianozip said:

When yous started to love Nando? And do you like Chelsea just for him or for other reason? :D

Já que és do Brasil, vou responder assim que é melhor. Bom, coincidiu que o Torres joga no Chelsea, mas eu admiro do jogo dele independente disso, de onde ele veio, pra onde ele for, torcerei pra que ele se de bem, quero o melhor pra ele. O acompanho desde bem antes do Chelsea, acompanhei ele no Liverpool, e ainda novinha, via jogos do Atlético com meu pai, e foi aí que tudo começou. Ele tem historia e isso não é pra qualquer um, por isso não acho que fases falem que ele não é um bom jogador. Aqueles que falam mal apenas por causa disso, realmente não conhecem a história dele. E não é só “gostar” do Chelsea, tenho amor por esse clube, e quando eu soube que ele ia jogar no Chelsea, conciliou tudo. Muitas pessoas já me perguntaram isso, há quanto tempo amo o Torres, ou se torço pelo Chelsea só por causa dele, tamanho é meu amor pelos dois. Bom, e também porque minha amiga (david-beckham-7) falou que ele é gostoso e fode a raça, e eu concordo, qualquer um concorda, e é isso. kjsadhjksa q De qualquer forma, obrigada pela pergunta!!1!

Watch on

Ancelotti et di Maria réconciliés ? Ancelotti et di Maria ne semblent pas être fâchés. Est ce que l’Argentin va finalement rester au Real Madrid ? Di Maria, Real Madrid

…I fucked up their healing rate royally. I need advice now, how fast do you think Rin can heal from bone breaks, and really severe life threatening wounds? (And how am I supposed to re-conciliate whatever the rate was supposed to be with the fact that it was way too fast in chapter 2 of Descent?)

So I just wanna get a general opinion of how fast people think the rate is..

(and then retcon the healing rate to be about that much…except in cases of high adrenaline where their powers go through the roof, and the healing rate skyrockets. And then possibly rapidly decline after continuous use but but… I’M A RETCONNING LITTLE SHIT.)

Anyway tl;dr tell me how fast you think Rin can heal!

Samsaaram Aarogyathinu Haanikaram (2014)

Je me suis ennuyée au début, j’ai mis du temps à être captivée.

C’est à partir du moment où est décrété l’interdiction de parler que le film a commencé à m’intéresser. Cette interdiction a pour but d’éradiquer un virus qui provoque le mutisme se manifestant par de la fièvre et se transmettant d’hommes à hommes par les postillons.

Nazriya joue un médecin qui va soigner Dulquer ayant attrappé ce virus. S’en suivra bien entendu le début d’une histoire d’amour.

Il y a un bon moment sans paroles, comme dans un film muet, c’est peu commun.

Quelques moments sont drôles notamment la façon dont se réconcilie l’acteur Boomesh et les alcooliques, le mensonge du ministre qui va se retourner contre lui … Il faut avoir le courage de dire ce qu’on a sur le coeur (amour, querelle, reproches….) et ne pas garder pour soi même tel est le message du film.

J’ai quand même préféré Salala Mobiles avec le couple Nazriya Nazim/Dulquer Salmaan même si tous les deux ont été bons dans leurs rôles respectifs.