Took some time to read 1-Star Reviews of the Communist Manifesto tonight and here are some of the highlights:

"Communism would be dead within a few decades without a capitolistic nation to support it."

"Why work if you can never improve your lot in life?" (unintentionally ironic?)

"Now see this book talks about the utopian society. And since the last time I checked. We were not living in a Utopian society."

"Really. if Karl Marx had any guts, he woiuld have advocated the working man’s form of economics, Capitalism."

"not awesome"

"all that marx succeeded in doing is producing an ideology for the DEMOCRATS"

"It is cheaper than a sleeping pill."

"Communism is a great way to make people get caught up in paperwork"

"You want to respect someone, respect Milton Friedman or F. Hayek. These guys don’t claim to solve all of society’s ills."

"His philosophy was that the poor should rise up and rebel against the oppressive rich. At least that’s what I understood, though I sped through this book on x2 audio, so I may have missed some things."

"For all the hype that I’ve heard over the years, this book is not an impressive read. It does reveal communist views and ideals, but not in what I thought was a well developed way. Others (communists, no doubt) may see it differently."

"This book sucks camel genitalia."

"I bought this book because I am interested in something like ‘The Wealth of Nations’. Turned out, this book is even thin than the book I read in kindergarden. Thinner than an iPhone. about 5-6 of this book together will get the thick of an iPhone, I believe."

"Class warfare seems to be the main point of the book."

"badly wrirren manifesto"

"bunch of crap. crap that not true. if we did this we would a 3rd world natinon, or worse!!!!!!!!!!!111 crap"

and last but not least:

"This book is nothing but communist propaganda !!"

The oppression of homosexuals, lesbians and gay men, under imperialism is based on the imperialists’ need to maintain women’s primary role as reproducers and producers of the labor force within the patriarchal nuclear family. Taboos against homosexuality are part of the repressive sexual rules which enforce the link between sexuality and reproduction and the division of labor based on sex. Homosexuality demonstrates that sexual relationships need not be based on the reproductive function and threatens the traditional division of labor within the family; homosexuality further denies the male chauvinist argument that women’s position in the family and society is a necessary result of their reproductive function.

Under imperialism the characteristics of gayness are framed by the structures of a male supremacist society. Consequently, the features of lesbianism are different from male homosexuality. Lesbianism affirms that women are complete human beings capable of loving each other who do not need to define themselves through men. Lesbianism challenges male chauvinist ideas that women are necessarily psychologically and sexually dependent on men. However, lesbianism does not in any way eliminate or lessen the realities of women’s material oppression under imperialism; in fact it intensifies it in many ways. Lesbians’ lives are shaped by the double shift like those of all women under imperialism. Lesbians who are open about their sexuality suffer job and housing discrimination, police harassment, and are threatened with having their children taken away. Lesbian-baiting is used not only to harass lesbians but to intimidate all women to make them “stay in their place” and accept their oppression.

The oppression of gay men is also based on the imperialists’ need to maintain the oppression of women. By refuting the myth that sexuality has to be linked to reproduction within the family, male homosexuality threatens the division of labor based on sex. Male homosexuality also undercuts the idea of fixed roles for men and women in the family, demonstrating that men can care for themselves and each other physically, emotionally, and sexually. Open gay men suffer from discrimination on jobs and in housing, and from police harassment. Faggot-baiting is intended to insure men’s compliance with male gender roles in society and deflect tendencies for men to identify with womanliness and femininity and thus undercut the rationale for the sexual division of labor. However, there are aspects of male homosexuality, based on the structures of male supremacy, which reinforce male chauvinist ideology. Woman hating and the recreation of objectified sex roles within gay male culture are specific patriarchal tendencies. It is in the interests of the bourgeoisie to encourage those aspects of homosexual culture which reinforce male chauvinism.

The oppression of homosexuals is one of the clearest and most severe forms of oppression of people who fail to follow the male supremacist sexual norms of imperialist society. The economic, legal, political and cultural institutions of imperialism punish homosexuality. The anti-imperialist movement and the struggle for women’s liberation must deepen its understanding and support for gay liberation. The strength of male supremacy and the depth of biological assumptions of people in this country is evidenced in the anti-gayness of the left and new communist movement. Arguments against the potential of gay people to be communists or Marxist-Leninists are based on the acceptance of the biological imperatives of reproduction which require sex to be linked with reproduction. The test of commitment to political struggle between men and women is identified with the commitment to heterosexual relationships. Lesbianism is seen as an expression of anti-male feeling rather than the positive affirmation of women loving each other. Homosexual choice is said to equal petit bourgeois individualism.

All these assertions flow from the assumption that the only natural form of sexual relationship is between men and women and that alternatives hamper the building of socialism. These arguments are a thin cover for the effort to maintain male dominated privilege and ideology within the movement. These positions serve reaction and are often linked to the denial of all super-structural forms of women’s oppression. They reinforce the divisions between women and men rather than challenging them and encourage the anti-gayness of bourgeois society as a whole. Communists must struggle for a more correct, scientific analysis of gay oppression. Lesbians have given leadership in the women’s movement and in the anti-imperialist movement, and gay men have struggled to expose male supremacy and its relation to imperialism within the gay liberation movement. The forces against male supremacy and for revolution are strengthened by gay women and men. We must fight not only for the democratic rights of gay people but for freedom and support for being gay.

—  A Marxist feminist analysis of the oppression of gay and lesbian people under the u.s. capitalist-imperialist system offered in the March 1977 issue of the publication BREAKTHROUGH, which was the political journal of a u.s. based anti-imperialist organization called the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee
Imperialism is the most barefaced exploitation and the most inhumane oppression of hundreds of millions of people inhabiting vast colonies and dependent countries. The purpose of this exploitation and of this oppression is to squeeze out super-profits. But in exploiting these countries imperialism is compelled to build these railways, factories and mills, industrial and commercial centers. The appearance of a class of proletarians, the emergence of a native intelligentsia, the awakening of national consciousness, the growth of the liberation movement-such are the inevitable results of this “policy”. The growth of the revolutionary movement in all colonies and dependent countries without exception clearly testifies to this fact. This circumstance is of importance for the proletariat inasmuch as it saps radically the position of capitalism by converting the colonies and dependent countries from reserves of imperialism into reserves of the proletarian revolution.
—  Joseph Stalin

We are taught every day to view the state as neutral. However, the capitalist state—not just who you vote for, but the whole machinery of the state, from the army recruiter at the local high school, to the manager at the unemployment office, to the local politician who tries to calm the masses after the latest police shooting, to the cop who gives you a ticket for asking for a swipe at the subway—the capitalist state is a tool of the capitalist class, the class of business owners.

Just like the state under slavery was a state of the slaveholding class, just like the state under feudalism was a state of the feudal landlord class… in this same way, the state under capitalism is a state of the capitalist class. The capitalist state is not neutral. The notion that the state is neutral—for example, that the role of the police is to protect and serve us—is a myth. The role of the police is to protect and serve the mainly white capitalist class. We can see this if we look at class societies from the past: no one would claim that the troops of some medieval king were neutral between the king and the lowest peasants. It is just as absurd to think that the police are neutral between the dominant class and the masses.

In capitalism, the police have a special role. The police are the sharp stick that the capitalist class uses to keep us in our place so that exploitation can occur. Keeping us in our place allows the capitalist class to reproduce the capitalist system, to keep exploiting us.

What do we mean by ‘exploitation’? The capitalist class lives off the labor of workers, just like the slaveholding class lived off the labor of slaves and the feudal lords of the Middle Ages lived off the labor of peasants. ‘Exploitation’ refers to one part of society appropriating for itself the labor of another part of society. This means that capitalism, like slavery and feudalism, is constituted out of the struggle between opposed classes. Workers and capitalists relate to each other only as antagonists: we see this in continuous struggles over wages, over hours, over benefits, over sick leave, over equal pay, over layoffs.

However, our society is not just capitalist, but also white supremacist. The capitalist system itself has been built on the oppression of the Black, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Native American and various Pacific Islander nations.

The Black national question is closely linked to the class struggle. Blacks have served as a social caste within the confines of the Euro-American capitalist state. This has prevented the Black nation from developing a class structure in anything but a mutilated and incomplete way. Today, oppression of the Black nation is visible in its class composition, marked by a strong working class and a weak capitalist class. We also see oppression of the Black nation in the highly disproportionate imprisonment, harassment and police brutality directed against it. National oppression of Blacks has been an essential means through which the working class has been concretely reproduced and reconfigured to meet the needs of US capital.

What this amounts to is that working class Blacks are subjected to a double oppression:

(1) National oppression

— There is oppression by the dominant Euro-American nation’s ruling class against the Black nation as a whole.

(2) Exploitation

— There is a regime of exploitation by the capitalist class against the multinational working class.

Many of the attacks on the masses in general begin with concentrated attacks on the Black nation in particular. Such attacks have included the dismantling of social benefits, deregulation of the labor market and rise of the prison state. The capitalist state has dismantled welfare and other social benefits through a series of racist campaigns that represent Black women as lazy. The capitalist state has extended the reach of the prison state through a series of racist campaigns that represent Black men as violent. The capitalist state has attacked organized labor through a series of racist campaigns that represent the mainly Black and brown working class as selfish.

These attacks are concentrated on the Black nation and other oppressed nations, which suffer their effects most intensely, but the result is that the broad masses as a whole are weakened. Mass imprisonment, weak labor and reduced social benefits affect us all. It is thus in the interest of all sections of the masses, of whatever nationality, to struggle for full equality and for the right to self-determination for the Black nation and all oppressed nations. Divisions between us only strengthen the class enemy, which always aims to turn objective contradictions between us into subjective contradictions that prevent us from growing our power.

At the same time, liberation of the Black nation can only be fragmentary and partial in the current state of the class struggle, dominated as it is by the capitalist class. The full democratic right of the Black nation to self-determination, up to and including formation of a separate Black state, can only be genuinely realized through the overthrow of the capitalist state, and this requires broad alliances between all layers of society who have an interest in socialist revolution.

The state, with the violent institution of the police at its core, exists to keep us in our place so that capitalists can live off our labor. Our task, the task of the masses, is to destroy the very places in which that system imprisons us. We can begin to take up that task by forming struggle committees that defend the people in our daily encounters with police violence, landlord evictions, mass layoffs, social service cuts, etc., and link these issues to a protracted struggle for power.

It is above all necessary for the partisans of anarchist communism to be organised in an anarchist communist ideological organisation. The tasks of these organisations are: to develop, realise and spread anarchist communist ideas; to study the vital present-day questions affecting the daily lives of the working masses and the problems of the social reconstruction; the multifaceted struggle for the defence of our social ideal and the cause of working people; to participate in the creation of groups of workers on the level of production, profession, exchange and consumption, culture and education, and all other organisations that can be useful in the preparation for the social reconstruction; armed participation in every revolutionary insurrection; the preparation for and organisation of these events; the use of every means which can bring on the social revolution. Anarchist communist ideological organisations are absolutely indispensable in the full realisation of anarchist communism both before the revolution and after.
—  Platform of the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB), 1945
Watch on
10 Memorable Uses of State Propaganda

I was challenged to do a 16 bar verse on Facebook. So I thought I’d share it here. Ignore what a sweaty disgrace I am.

"This is Lebanon
Feel our presence from
Petrograd with petrol bombs
Till we’re pressing on
Your pentagram Pentagon
It’s a piss take
They just wanna dictate
You can fist shake
Until your fucking wrist aches
And it won’t do nothin’
…I smoke too much and I don’t do nothin’
The flow’s still so swaggin’
Most meals don’t happen
Just No Frills smoked gammon
Disappear, so Bilbo Baggins
…but none can amount to
Bogart Bob, when he buns down an ounce too
Oaths are dropped, now we come to denounce you
Most are shot, like the scum that surround you
So you better not piss about clearly
QELD swing the hammer n sickle down fiercely
Slashin’ Adam Smith’s wrists, trickle down theory
Snatchin’ cannabis if your piff is out near me.”