The racial divide is clear on the issue; according to a recent Quinnipiac poll 57% of White voters and 53% of Latinos approve of the NYPD’s policy of “Stop & Frisk”, while only 25% of Blacks approve of the measure. At a high-level, the NYPD’s “Stop & Frisk” policy is viewed and accepted by many in this city as a “necessary evil” of sorts. In the final analysis, the mayor and the police commissioner have defended themselves against the charge of racism by pointing to the fact that most violent crimes committed in NYC are committed by and against Black males. Therefore, it is only logical that most of the stops, frisks and in some cases arrests are among that same group.
According to the NYPD’s own statistics, during the first six months of 2012 – there were 342K “Stops” in connection with a violent crime (Murder, Rape, Robbery & Felonious Assault), with 333K persons having a known race or ethnicity. Using “known race” as our base, 54.2% or 179,712 were Black. We also know from the NYPD numbers that the total number of Black suspects was 8,971. Subtracting our suspect number from the total of all black individuals that were stopped, we’re left with 170,741 innocent persons who were stopped to find just nine thousand suspects – in just six months. This is what you call a shotgun approach, or Pat Buchannan’s “round’em up” strategy. In short, the policy that police commissioner defends is one that violates the privacy and dignity of almost one-fifth of the entire black population of NYC over the course of a single year, to find the .8% that are said to be suspects. In the Latino community, 10% of all persons have been stopped, while just .2% are suspected of violent crimes.
Working on the assumption that the crime statistics as reported by the NYPD are correct, it’s not unreasonable that Blacks are the majority of the individuals stopped under the “Stop & Frisk” program. However, the sheer volume, nearly twenty percent of ALL innocent law abiding Black New Yorkers in any given full year, which translates to about 48% of black males over the age of 14 per year since 90% of all those stopped are male is prosecutorial itself, as though there is a single minded purpose behind it - besides fighting crime.
There’s another disturbing trend that pops out from the NYPD’s police stats, the pattern of lower “arrest” versus “suspect” volumes only for Blacks. For example, in cases of robbery 70% of suspects were black but when arrests were made the number dropped to 61%. However for whites the suspect number was 4.7%, but the arrest number was 6.1%; for Latinos suspects were 24% and the arrests rose to 30%.
Considering the fact that the NYPD’s own literature justifies what it terms “stop, question-the frisk” based on the “suspect” and not “arrestee” numbers, the nexus between these two activities is alarming .
There is a power structure that disproportionately employs and incentives whites to manage the Black community in this city. Whites are 33% of the city but 52% of those in police uniform. For example, the jobs on the police force and in the fire department pay far better than those of the retail chains in Harlem (that were given tax abatements to set up shop under former President Clinton’s federal empowerment zones) – in short Blacks are disenfranchised in New York City. The fact that Whites are overrepresented on the police force, and Latinos have demographically proportionate numbers might explain some of the divergent views about “Stop & Frisk” – but it might also impact who is suspected of crimes.
Nonetheless, there is a real fratricidal phenomenon occurring among Blacks, as a majority white police force is paid to manage the chaos via programs like “Stop & Frisk”. The larger questions that looms is, does “Stop & Frisk” effectively eradicate crime or provide a pipeline to prison that only reinforces a culture of violence?
The question of a prison pipeline raises another question - why the excessive violence among Blacks? For example, Latinos have a lower citywide median income than African-Americans (although equal in Manhattan and higher in SI), yet the prevalence of violence is much less, indexing appropriately with their demographic composition. Are Blacks simply prone to fratricide since most of the violent crimes they commit are against each other with the exception of robbery and larceny? In order to understand demographic trends, it’s imperative to examine participation within institutions and industries – or both as in the case of prisons. The fact is that young Black males are learning how to embrace violence in prison, the only institutions that they have overrepresentation in.
We know that the majority of New York State’s prison population is comprised of Blacks from the city. We also know that the majority of those in prison are there for non-violent drug related offenses. Law professor Michelle Alexander notes that if we were to return to pre-1970 incarceration levels, more than one million jobs would be lost. Here we see that prisons have become institutions for Blacks and to a lesser extent for Latinos, but industry for Whites.
The anomaly of Black suspects to arrestee ratio, is not just a sign of prejudice or even the epidemic of Black on Black violence…but quite probably a tell-tell sign of the demand for bodies by the prison industry – which manufactures a culture of fratricide among young African-American males.
There are several spokes in the wheel of the prison industry that keep it afloat, the one that exposes New York City’s liberalism as a façade for white power is the “Stop & Frisk” policy of the NYPD. What is needed is for Raymond Kelly to answer is why suspect numbers for most violent crimes overstates only Black involvement when compared to their arrestee numbers. Since it appears that the NYPD “suspect” number is inflated as it relates to Black folks, what answers can the police commissioner provide to explain why he uses them to stop almost 50% percent of the NYC’s teenage and adult African-American males as they go about their daily lives.
Ultimately, his answers would be immaterial since we can rest assured that he will not confess to a desire to keep a prison industry afloat that is fueled by Black bodies. The question for the public is, who will force some accountability out of NYC’s top cop.
 Census Bureau 2011: American Community Survey ACS
 Crime and Enforcement Activity in New York City (Jan, 1 – June 30, 2012), p15
 Estimate is based on 2010 race by gender Census data http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/census/demo_tables_2010.shtml
 Crime and Enforcement Activity in New York City (Jan, 1 – June 30, 2012), p4
 See footnote#3
 See footnote#2 & 3
 “Poverty in New York City” September 2011, ALIGN: The Alliance for a Greater New York
 http://www.prisonpolicy.org/graphs/NY_Black.html, http://www.prisonpolicy.org/importing/importing.html